PUBLICATIONS 


OF  THE 


Western  Reserve  Historical  Society, 


CLBJVaLAND,  OHIO,   U.   S.   A.. 


Vol.  I. — Tracts  Nos.  i  to  36. 

Vol.  II. — Tracts  Nos.  37  to  72. 

Vol.  III. — Tracts  Nos.  73  to  84. 

Vol.  IV.— Tracts  Nos.  85  to  88.     Not   com- 
pleted. 

MISCELLANEOUS  PUBLICATIONS  UNDER  PATRONAGE 
OF  THE  SOCIETY. 

Early  History  of  Cleveland,  by  Col.  Charles 
Whittlesey,  1867. 

Journal  of  Captain  William  Trent,  edited 
by  A.  T.  Goodman,  1871. 

Journal   of   Captain   Jonathan    Heart,    by 

C.  W.  Butterfield,  1885. 

For  an  account  of  the  publication  of  the  St. 
Clair  Papers,  and  of  the  Margry  Papers,  and  of 
various  Surveys  of  Seth  Pease,  etc.,  refer  to  this 
Society's  Tract,  No.  74,  being  an  historical  sketch 
of  the  Western   Reserve    Historical    Society,   by 

D.  W.  Manchester,  1888. 

History  of  Bruli£'s  Discoveries  and  Explo- 
rations, by  C.  W.  Butterfield,  1898. 


HISTORY 


Ol" 


BRULfi's  Discoveries 

AND  Explorations 

1610-1626 

Being  a  Narrative  of  the  Discovery,  by  Stephen  Brule,  of 
Lakes  Huron,  Ontario  and  Superior;  and  of  his  Ex- 
plorations (the  First  Made  by  Civilized  Man) 
of   Pennsylvania  and  Western  New 
York,    also  of  the    Province 
of  Ontario,  Canada 


With  a  Biographical  Notice  of  the  Discoverer  and  Explorer, 

who  was  Killed  and  Eaten  by 

Savages 


''The  dauntless  woodsman,  pioneer  of  pioneers, 
^tienne  BruU,   the  interpreter." — Parkman 


BY 

CONSUL  WILLSHIRE  BUTTERFIELD 

Author  of  "Crawford's  Campaign  Against  Sandusky;"   "Washington-Irvine  Cor- 
respondence ;  "  "  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Noilhwest,  by  John 
Nicolet,  In  1634;"  "  History  of  the  Girtys;"  and  other  works 


THE  HELMAN-TAYLOR  COMPANY 

CLEVELAND,  OHIO 

1898 


5? 


Copyright,     '^->8 
By  The  Helman-Taylc      ^Jompany 


Smptrfal  ^rtaa ; 

CLEVELAND 


NOTE  BY  THE  PUBLISHERS 

The  following  Narrative  was  presented,  in  manuscript,  to  the 
Western  Reserve  Historical  Society,  by  the  Author,  in  1897,  and 
is  now  given  to  the  public  under  the  patronage  of  that  institution 


PREFACE. 

Few,  if  any,  of  the  early  events  properly  be- 
longing to  the  pages  of  American  history  are  of 
more  interest  and  importance  after  the  discovery 
of  the  New  World  than  are  those  relating  to  the 
journeyings,  the  explorations,  and  the  discoveries 
of  Stephen  Brul6.  What  this  daring  Frenchman 
accomplished  in  the  (then)  inhospitable  wilds  of 
what  is  now  the  northern  portion  of  our  country, 
and  in  the  southern  and  western  parts  of  the  pres- 
ent Dominion  of  Canada,  has  not  hitherto  been 
given  in  detail  by  any  historian. 

Brul6  was  essentially  a  woodsman :  his  fondness 
for  savage  life  was  remarkable.  But  he  wrote 
nothing;  and  his  verbal  recitals,  as  they  were 
taken  down  from  his  own  lips,  and  recorded  by 
Champlain,  Sagard  and  Le  Caron,  are  not  calcu- 
lated to  awaken  at  once  the  thought  that  they  bor- 
der on  the  marvelous.  However,  as  we  contem- 
plate more  and  more  his  courage  and  perseverance 
among  the  Indian  nations  which  he  visited  and 
with  some  of  which  he  lived  several  years,  our 
curiosity  gives  way  to  admiration  and  astonishment. 

The  date  when  Brul6  flourished  is,  in  our  an- 
nals, an  early  one.  He  left  France,  his  native 
country,  and  arrived  in  the  valley  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  the  next  year  after  the  English  first 
gained  a  foot-hold  in  North  America;  and  he 
started  upon  his  journey  with  the  savages,  which 


Vl  PREFACE. 

resulted  in  the  first  exploration  ever  made  west- 
ward of  the  great  river  of  Canada  and  in  the  dis- 
covery of  Lake  Huron,  ten  years  before  the  land- 
ing of  the  Pilgrims  on  Plymouth  rock.  And  it 
was  only  six  years  after  Henry  Hudson  first  saw 
the  river  which  bears  his  name  that  the  subject 
of  our  narrative  stood  upon  the  shores  of  Lake 
Ontario  —  the  first  of  civilized  men  to  gaze  out 
upon  that  broad  expanse  of  water.  It  was  but 
three  years  subsequent  to  the  time  when  Manhat- 
tan island,  now  New  York  City,  was  first  settled 
that  he  was,  before  any  other  white  man,  thread- 
ing his  way  through  the  dark  woods  of  what  is 
now  Western  New  York  and  soon  after  floating 
down  the  Susquehanna  river  in  the  present  State 
of  Pennsylvania, —  reaching,  finally,  along  the 
Chesapeake  bay,  the  shore  of  the  Atlantic  ocean. 

During  the  next  decade,  Brul^,  having  first 
visited  a  copper  mine  on  the  north  coast  of  Lake 
Huron,  advanced  to  his  greatest  triumph  —  the 
discovery,  as  it  is  believed,  of  Lake  Superior. 
Still  he  was  not  content,  but  explored  a  large  ex- 
tent of  territory,  north  of  Lake  Erie,  never  before 
visited  by  a  European,  in  what  is  now  the  Prov- 
ince of  Ontario  (Canada),  beyond  the  point  reached 
by  him,  when,  for  the  first  time,  he  saw  the 
Georgian  bay. 

When  we  add  to  Brul6's  wanderings  the  start- 
ling account  of  his  barbarous  murder  by  the  Huron 
Indians  —  being  not  only  killed  but  eaten  by  them 
—  the  story  of  his  life  forms,  if  not  one  of  the 
strangest,  at  least  one  of  the  most  romantic  chapters 
of  adventures  wherein  is  related  the  captivity  and 
suffering  of  an  explorer  at  the  hands  of  savages. 


PREFACE.  Vii 

At  almost  every  step  in  our  investigations  we 
have  been  surprised  at  the  sudden  appearance  of 
events  before  wholly  unknown  to  general  history. 
This  has  caused  as  thorough  an  examination  of 
incidents  of  apparently  little  interest  as  of  those 
which  at  once  impressed  us  with  their  importance. 
The  result  has  been,  in  several  instances,  the  estab- 
lishing of  facts  of  great  consequence  where,  in  the 
beginning,  the  clue  was  exceedingly  dim  and 
shadowy. 

That  originality  is  claimed  for  our  narrative  will 
not,  it  is  believed,  appear  out  of  place,  when  it  is 
considered  that  Brul^  has  not  heretofore,  except  in 
one  instance,  been  credited  with  being  the  first  to 
reach  any  of  the  countries,  lakes,  or  rivers,  of 
which  (as  it  is  hereafter  stated)  he  was  the  real 
discoverer  or  explorer. 

One  principal  reason  why  the  visits  of  Brul6  to 
various  unexplored  regions  have  hitherto  found  so 
few  historians  even  to  refer  to  any  of  them  in  the 
most  casual  way  is  because  of  the  exceedingly 
brief  mention,  usually,  of  his  wanderings  by  early 
writers  who  have  given  any  place  in  their  works 
concerning  him ;  and  for  the  further  reason  that, 
when  spoken  of  at  all  by  the  latter,  it  is  only  in- 
cidentally, and  usually  with  such  vagueness  as  is 
well  calculated  to  repel  rather  than  attract  atten- 
tion. It  is  not  a  matter  of  wonder,  therefore,  that 
the  three  or  four  authors  of  our  own  times  who 
have  recorded  anything  of  his  doings  have  ex- 
pressed themselves  not  only  with  much  brevity, 
but  with  unusual  caution. 

I  desire  to  express  my  acknowledgments  for 
favors  extended  while  this  work  has  been  in  prog- 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

ress  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Suite,  of  Ottawa,  and  Very 
Rev.  W.  R.  Harris,  Dean  of  St,  Catharines,  Canada ; 
Dr.  Wm.  H.  Egle,  Librarian  of  the  Pennsylvania 
State  Library;  and  Lucy  M.  Gay,  of  the  University 
of  Wisconsin. 

C.   W.   BUTTERFIELD. 
South  Omaha,  Neu., 
1897. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

CHAPTER  I; 

Early  Voyages  and   Discoveries  in  New 

France. — 1524-1610 i 

CHAPTER  II:        " 

Stephen    Brul6   Arrives   in  New  France 

with  Champlain 12 

The  Latter  Goes  Against  the  Iroquois  .  .  14 
Brul6  Sent  to  the  Country  of  the  Hurons  1 5 
His  Return  to  the  St.  Lawrence    ....       19 

His  Discoveries  While  Absent 20 

Acts  as  Interpreter,  on  His  Return,  for 

Champlain  and  the  Hurons  ....  22 
Was  the  First  White  Man  to  Descend  the 

Lachine  Rapids 24 

Champlain 's   Policy  of   Training   Young 

Men  as  Interpreters 24 

Journey  of  Champlain  up  the  Ottawa,  in 

1613 27 

His  Failure  to  Discover  the  North  Sea.  .  27 
Brul6    Probably   Spends   the   Winter   '^f 

1613 -'14  Among  Algonquins     ...      28 

CHAPTER  III: 

Brul6,  Accompanying  Champlain,  Again 

-    Starts  for  the  Huron  Country    ...      31 
He  Goes  as  Interpreter  for  Champlain    .      3 1 


t  CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

His  A.rrival  Among  the  Hurons  ....  34 
Champlain  Starts  with  Several  Hundred 

of  these  Indians  Against  the  Iroquois  35 
Some  Accounts  of  the  Mohawks,  Oneidas, 

Onondagas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas  .      36 

CHAPTER  IV:        - 

Aid  Offered  to  the  Hurons  by  the  Carant- 

ouannais  from  the  Upper  Susquehanna     40 

Champlain,  with  Hurons  and  Algonquins, 
Reaches  an  Onondaga  Stronghold  and 
Invests  it 46 

CHAPTER  V:  ■      ' 

Brul6,    with    Twelve    Hurons,    Goes    to 

the  Carantouannais 47 

Champlain 's    Attack    on    the    Onondaga 

Village  and  its  Failure 56 

Return  of  the  Assailants 58 

March  of  the  Carantouannais,  with  Brul^, 

to  Assist  the  Hurons 63 

Their  Return  to  Carantouan 63 

CHAPTER  VI: 

>       Brul^    Explores    the    Susquehanna    and 

Chesapeake  Country  to  the  Ocean    .      65 

CHAPTER  VII: 

Return  of  Brul6  to  the  St.  Lawrence  .  .  87 
His  Remarkable  Escape  from  Torture     .      91 

CHAPTER  VIII: 

Brul6  Discovers  Lake  Superior 107 


CONTENTS.  Xl 

PAGE. 

He  Visits  the  Neutral  Nation 1 1 1 

Returns  to  Quebec 112 

The  Hundred  Associates 114 

Capture  of  Quebec  by  the  English    .        .118 
Last  Journey  of  Brn\6  to  the  Hurons  .    .     119 

CHAPTER  IX:       '        '    " 

Brul^  Killed  and  Eaten  by  Hurons  ...  120 

His  Death  Soon  Known  Abroad    ....  121 
The  Fear  of  the  Savages  Because  of  Their 

Deed 123 

APPENDIX: 

Note  I. —  Champlain's  Works 125 

Note  II. —  Of  the  Hurons,  Algonquins, 

Montagnais   and   Iroqaois  ....     126 

Note  III.  —  Exchange     of     Hostages  — 

Brul6  and  Savignon 128 

Note  IV. —  As  to  Brul6  Being  the  First 
White  Person  to  "Shoot"  Lachine 
Rapids 131 

Note  V. —  Signification  of  the  Word  "Ca- 

rantouannais " 132 

Note  VI. —  The  Chouontouaroiion  Iden- 
tical with  the  Senecas 132 

Note  VII.  —  March  of  Champlain  and 
His  Hurons  to  the  Onondaga  Village. 
—  Conflicting  Views  as  to  the  Site  of 
the  Enemy's  Stronghold 133 

Note  VIII. —  Early  Mention  of  the  Falls 

of  Niagara 137 

Note  IX. —  Brule's   Discovery  of  Lakes 

Huron  and  Ontario 138 


'Slili'; .,     , ;  CONTENTS.    '■ 

PAGE. 

Note  X. —  Early  Reports  of    Lake  Erie.   141 

Note  XI.  —  The  Home  of  the  Eries  .    .     141 

Note  XII.  —  Grand    Detour    from     the 

Huron  Country  to  the  Susquehanna  .     142 

Note  XIII.— Capt.  John  Smith's  Dis- 
covery of  the  Susquehanna. —  Did  He 
Reach  Pennsylvania? 144 

Note  XIV. —  Concerning  Brule's  Explor- 
ation of  the  Susquehanna  River  and 
Chesapeake    Bay 147 

Note  XV. —  Southern  and  Western  Iro- 
quois     147 

Note  XVI. —  As  to  Brule's  Arrival  at 
Three  Rivers  in  1618  and  His  Inter- 
view There  with  Champlain  ....     150 

Note  XVII.— As   to   the    Reliability  of 

Brule's  Narrative 151 

Note  XVIII. —  Concerning  Brule's  Dis- 
covery of    Lake  Superior 154 

Note  XIX.— The  Neutral  Nation  .    .    .     163 

Note  XX. —  As  to  Brule  Going  Over  to 

the    English 165 

Note    XXI. —  Cannibalism    Among    the 

Hurons 166 

Note  XXII. —  Extracts  from  Sagard's 
"  Histoire  du  Canada  "  (Paris  Edition, 
1866)  Relating  to  Brul6 167 

INDEX 175 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

Iroquois  Fort  captured  June  19,  1610  .  Frontispiece. 

Quebec  in  1608 Opposite  12 

Route  of  Brul^  to  and  from  the  Huron  Country, 

1610,  161 1 Opposite  20 

Capture  of  Quebec  by  the  English,  1629  "  118 
Portrait  and  Signature  of  Cham  plain  .  .  "  121 
Section  of  Champlain's  Large  Map  of  16 12  "  140 
Section  of  Champlain's  Map  of  1632       .    .    "     159 


HISTORY 

OF 

Brule's  Discoveries  and  Explorations 

1610-1626 


CHAPTER  I. 


EARLY  VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES  IN   NEW   FRANCE. 

— 1524-161O. 

The  voyage  of  Columbus  in  the  year  1492  led  to 
that  on  the  north  by  John  Cabot,  five  years  later,  who 
probably  reached  the  coast  of  Labrador  and  that 
of  the  island  of  Newfoundland.  A  year  after,  his 
son  Sebastian  explored  the  continent  from  Labra- 
dor to  Virginia,  and  possibly  as  far  south  as  Flori- 
da. The  visit  of  the  elder  Cabot  was  supplemented 
by  one  of  Gaspar  Cortereal  in  1500,  followed  by 
that  of  John  Verrazzano,  who,  in  1 524,  passed  up  the 
coast  from  about  the  latitude  of  the  present  Wil- 
mington, North  Carolina,  to  Newfoundland.  To 
this  country  he  gave  the  name  of  New  France, 
which,  although  subsequently  restricted  on  the 
sea  coast,  was  extended"  to  a  vast  region  inland. 

The  credit  of  having  been  the  first  to  spread  a 
sail  upon  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  of  obtaining  such 
information  as  afterward  led  to  a  knowledge  of  the 


a  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

whole  of  its  valley  and  of  a  great  extent  of  territory 
beyond,  belongs  to  James  Cartier,  a  native  of  St. 
Malo  —  a  port  in  the  north  of  France.  Cartier  was 
a  skillful  mariner.  On  April  20th,  in  1534,  he 
sailed  from  his  native  place,  under  orders  of  the 
French  admiral,  for  the  coast  of  Newfoundland, 
intent  on  exploring  unknown  seas  and  countries 
washed  by  them.  He  took  with  him  sixty-one 
persons,  in  two  ships  of  sixty  tons  each,  and  in 
twenty  days  saw  the  large  island  lying  between 
the  ocean  and  the  river  he  was  afterward  to  dis- 
cover. High  winds  had  wafted  him  and  his  men 
to  inhospitable  shores,  and  repairs  to  his  ships 
were  necessary.  Bui  this  was  an  auspicious  season 
of  the  year  (May);  and,  upon  getting  again  ready 
for  sea,  he  boldly  turned  north  and  entered  the 
opening  of  the  straits  of  Belle  Isle,  already  a  famil- 
iar region  to  the  hardy  fishermen  of  civilized 
countries. 

Having  sailed  nearly  around  Newfoundland, 
Cartier,  after  making  the  shore  of  Prince  Edward 
island,  finally  entered  the  Chaleurs  bay.  In  the 
smaller  Gaspe  bay,  he  landed  and  took  possession 
of  the  country  for  the  King  of  France.  He  was 
now  at  the  very  portal  of  the  river  of  Canada,  but 
wholly  ignorant  of  the  great  waterway  leading  to 
the  interior  of  the  continent.  He  then  sailed  to 
the  north  of  the  island  of  Anticosti ;  thence  to  its 
western  end;  and,  in  August,  started  for  home, 
reaching  St.  Malo  early  in  September,  having  made 
the  return  voyage  in  less  than  thirty  days. 

Within  two  months  after  Cartier 's  return,  a  new 
expedition  was  planned.  Three  well-furnished 
ships  were  provided  by  the  king.     In  them  went, 


DISCO  «w.RIES  AND   EXPLORATIONS.  3 

besides  Cartier,  cne  ^hundred  and  ten  persons, — 
even  some  of  the  nobility  volunteered  for  the 
voyage.  All  were  eager  to  cross  the  Atlantic. 
On  May  19th,  1535,  the  squadron  sailed.  But 
Cartier  had  not  a  pleasant  summer  cruise.  Storms 
raged  and  the  ships  separated.  For  seven  weeks 
they  buffeted  the  troubled  ocean  Their  ren- 
dezvous was  the  harbor  of  Blanc  Sablon,  with- 
in the  straits  of  Belle  Isle,  which  they  finally 
reached;  but  the  omens  were  bad.  The  advent- 
urers had  confidently  looked  for  pleasant  gales 
and  a  quick  voyage,  and  these  expectations  had 
all  been  blasted.  Now,  however,  after  three  days, 
the  ships  moved  westward  along  the  coast  of  Lab- 
rador, when  a  harbor  was  entered  on  the  north- 
ern shore.  The  bay  was  called  St.  Lawrence, — 
the  name  being  afterward  extended  to  the  gulf 
and  the  great  Canadian  river.  Sailing  on  in  a 
southwesterly  course,  sighting  frequently  what 
are  now  known  as  the  southern  shores  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Quebec,  they  finally  discovered  and  ascended 
the  St.  Lawrence,  reaching  in  September  a  fine 
harbor  in  an  island  since  called  Orleans. 

Where  the  River  St.  Lawrence  ends  and  the 
gulf  begins  is  a  matter  that  cannot  be  determined 
with  any  degree  of  accuracy ;  however,  it  is  gen- 
erally said  that ' '  the  sea ' '  is  entered  about  four 
hundred  and  forty  miles  below  the  island  just 
mentioned.  As  far  up  as  the  mouth  of  the  Sague- 
nay,  a  large  northern  tributary,  the  river  is  twenty 
miles  wide ;  then  it  gradually  contracts,  until  at  a 
short  distance  above  the  spot  where  the  discov- 
erer rested  its  shores  are  less  than  a  mile  apart  — 
the  contraction  being  spoken  of,  in  after  years,  by 


4  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

the  Indians  inhabiting  the  region  as  "quebec,"  or 
"kebec,"  equivalent  to  a  "  restricted  channel,"  or 
"  a  narrowing  of  water." 

Leaving  his  two  largest  ships  in  the  waters  of 
the  river  now  known  as  the  St.  Charles,  Cartier, 
with  the  smallest  and  two  open  boats,  having  fifty 
men  as  an  escort,  ascended  the  St.  Lawrence  until 
a  considerable  Indian  village  was  reached,  situated 
on  an  island  called  Hochelaga.  Standing  upon 
the  summit  of  a  hill,  on  this  island,  and  looking 
away  up  the  river,  the  commander  had  fond  im- 
aginings of  future  glories  awaiting  his  countrymen 
in  colonizing  this  region.  He  called  the  hill 
"  Mont  Royale;"  "  and  time,  that  has  transferred 
the  name  to  the  island,  is  realizing  his  visions;  " 
for,  on  that  island,"  now  stands  the  City  of  Mont- 
real.^ 

While  at  Hochelaga,  Cartier  gathered  some  in- 
distinct accounts  of  the  surrounding  country,  and 
of  the  Ottawa  river  coming  down  from  the  hills 
situated    to    the    northwest.^     He   also  obtained, 

'  Now  called  Montreal  Island. 

*  Montreal  is  a  city  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  Canada,  and 
the  commercial  metropolis  of  the  Dominion.  It  is  situated  on 
the  south  side  of  the  island  of  Montreal,  in  the  St.  Lawrence 
river  (which  is  here  about  two  miles  wide).  It  is  one  hundred 
and  eighty  miles  from  Quebec ;  six  hundred  and  twenty  from  the 
gulf;  and  four  hundred  and  twenty  from  New  York.  The  island 
of  Montreal  is  thirty-two  miles  long  and  about  ten  miles  broad 
at  its  widest  part.  The  city  occupies  a  low  tract  about  two  miles 
wide  between  "  Mount  Royal  "  and  the  river. 

*  The  Ottawa  river  rises  near  latitude  48°  36'  north,  and  longi- 
tude 80°  west.  It  has  a  southeastward  course  until  the  city  of 
Ottawa  is  reached,  whence  it  flows  eastward,  entering  the  St. 
Lawrence  about  twenty-five  miles  above  Montreal.^  Its  length 
is  estimated  at  seven  hundred  miles. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  $ 

while  on  his  visit  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  some  crude 
reports  concerning  the  upper  portions  of  that  river, 
and  of  Lakes  Ontario,  Erie,  and  Huron.  He  was 
likewise  informed  of  the  existence  of  copper  to  be 
found  in  mines,  in  its  native  or  metallic  state,  in  the 
(then)  undefined  region  inland,  to  be  reached  by  the 
Saguenay,  as  he  was  told,  although  the  country 
was  that  bordering  on  the  north  of  Lake  Huron 
and  on  the  south  of  Lake  Superior. 

Rejoining  his  ships,  Cartier  spent  the  winter  in 
a  palisaded  fort  on  the  bank  of  the  St.  Charles, 
with  his  vessels  moored  before  it.  The  cold  was 
intense.  Many  of  his  men  died  of  scurvy.  Early 
in  the  spring  (May  3rd)  possessio  .1  was  taken  of  the 
country  in  the  name  of  the  French  king,  with  more 
ceremonies  and  greater  jubilation  than  at  Gaspe 
bay;  and  on  July  i6th,  1536,  the  Breton  mariner 
dropped  anchor  in  St.  Malo, —  he  ha  zing  returned 
with  two  ships.  The  other  had  been  abandoned 
at  his  winter  quarters.  France  was  disappointed. 
Hopes  had  been  raised  too  high.  Expectations 
had  not  been  realized.  Further  explorations, 
therefore,  were,  for  the  time,  abandoned. 

Notwithstanding  the  failure  of  Cartier's  second 
voyage,  the  great  valley  of  the  St.  Lav/rence  in 
all  its  parts  was  not  to  remain  very  long  unknown 
to  the  world.  It  was  thought  unworthy  a  gallant 
nation  to  abandon  such  an  enterprise;  and  one 
more  trial  at  exploration  and  colonization  was  de- 
termined upon.  Again  the  bold  mariner  of  St. 
Malo  started  for  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  was  on 
May  23rd,  1 541.  He  took  with  him  five  ships, — 
he  having  been  commissioned  captain-general  and 
pilot  of  the  fleet;  but  he  went,  unfortunately,  as 


6  HISTORY   OK    HRULli'S 

subordinate,  in  some  respects,  to  John  Francis  de 
la  Roche,  Lord  of  Roberval,  a  nobleman  of  Pi- 
cardy,  to  whom  the  king  of  France  had  given  vice- 
regal powers  over  the  country  now  again  to  be 
visited.  The  object  of  the  enterprise  was  declared 
to  be  discovery,  settlement,  and  the  conversion  of 
the  Indians.  Cartier  was  the  first  to  sail.  Again 
he  entered  the  St.  Lawrence,  but  Roberval  did  not 
make  his  appearance. 

After  erecting  a  fortification  farther  up  the  St. 
Lawrence  than  the  old  one,  Cartier  once  more  as- 
cended the  river,  this  time  with  two  boats,  to  explore 
the  Lachine  rapids  (as  now  called).  He  then 
returned  and  passed  the  winter  at  his  fort;  and, 
in  the  spring,  not  having  heard  from  Roberval, 
he  set  sail  for  France.^ 

De  la  Roche  reached  the  St.  Lawrence  during 
the  year,  but  after  wintering  there,  he,  too,  aban- 
doned the  country,  giving  back  his  immense  vice- 
royalty  to  the  rightful  owners. 

In  1578,  there  were  three  hundred  and  fifty  fish- 
ing vessels  at  Newfoundland  belonging  to  the 
French,  Spanish,  Portuguese,  and  English;  besides 
these  were  a  number  —  twenty  or  more  —  of  Bis- 
cayan  whalers.  Subsequently,  the  colonization  of 
New  France  was  again  undertaken,  resulting  only 
in  forty  unfortunate  white  men  being  left  on  Sable 

'  See  further,  as  to  Cartier,  Rami's  Documents  Inidits  sur 
Jacques  Cartier  (Paris,  1865),  pp.  10-12;  Harrisse's  TVo/^j,  pp. 
1-5,  II,  12;  Dionne's  Nouv.  J'rance.pp.  9-54;  Faillon's  Colonie 
Franqaise  en  Canada,  vol.  I,  pp.  38-55,  496-523;  Winsor's  A'iar- 
rative  and  Critical  History  of  America,vo\.  IV,  pp.  56-59, —  also 
his  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  pp.  23-47,  a°d  authorities  there  cited; 
Suite's  Canadiens-  Frangais,  vol.  II;  Thwaites'  Jesuit  Rela- 
tions and  Allied  Documents  (Cleveland,  1897),  vol.  Ill,  pp.  292, 
393. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  f 

island,  ofif  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  all  of  whom, 
except  twelve,  died  miserably  in  that  inhospitable 
region. 

In  1599,  another  expedition  was  resolved  upon. 
This  was  undertaken  by  Francis  Grav6,  called 
Pontgrav^,  a  merchant  of  St.  Malo,  and  Chauvin, 
a  captain  of  the  marine.  In  consideration  of  a 
monopoly  of  the  fur  trade,  granted  them  by  the 
king  of  France,  these  men  undertook  to  establish  a 
colony  of  five  hundred  persons  in  New  France ;  but 
these  five  hundred  dwindled  to  one  hundred  per- 
sons. At  Tadoussac,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sague- 
nay,  they  built  a  cluster  of  wooden  huts  and  store 
houses,  where  sixteen  men  were  left  to  gather  furs, 
who  either  died  or  were  scattered  among  the  In- 
dians before  the  return  of  the  spring  of  1601. 
Meanwhile,  Pontgrav^  and  Chauvin  returned  to 
France.  The  latter  made  a  second  voyage  to  Tad- 
oussac, but  failed  to  establish  a  permanent  settle- 
ment. During  a  third  voyage  he  died,  and  his 
enterprise  perished  with  him. 

In  1603,  a  company  of  merchants  of  France  was 
formed,  with  Amyr  de  Chastes  at  its  head,  for  pros- 
ecuting Canadian  enterprise.  Both  the  cross  and 
the  fleur-de-lis  were  to  be  planted  in  New  France. 
Pontgrav6,  in  command  of  two  vessels,  sailed  for 
the  St.  Lawrence.  Samuel  Champlain,  a  French- 
man by  birth,  went  along,  commissioned  to  make 
the  most  exact  researches  and  explorations  in  his 
power.  ^ 

■Champlain  was  born  at  Brouage,  France,  in  1567.  He  be- 
came a  captain  in  the  royal  navy.  Subsequently  in  command  of 
a  ship  he  sailed  to  the  West  Indies.  Before  his  return,  he  visited 
Vera  Cruz  and  the  city  of  Mexico.     "  Returning,  he  made  his 


8  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

Pontgrav6  and  Champlain,  after  Tadoussac  (that 
was)  had  been  reached,  ascended  the  river  in  a 
small  bark,  sailed  past  the  lofty  promontory  on 
which  Quebec  now  stands,  and  proceeded  onward 
to  the  island  of  Hochelaga ;  but  the  Indian  village 
visited  by  Cartier  had  disappeared.  In  a  skiff, 
with  a  few  Indians,  they  vainly  endeavored  to  pass 
the  Lachine  rapids,  whereupon  the  baffled  explor- 
ers returned  to  their  ships. 

From  the  savages,  Champlain  had  gleaned  some 
knowledge  of  ulterior  regions.  The  natives  had 
drawn  for  him  rude  representations  of  the  stream 
above  the  rapids,  and  of  its  lakes, ^  at  the  same  time 
giving  him  some  information  of  what  must  have 
been  the  great  cataract  of  Niagara.  His  curiosity 
was  inflamed,  and  he  resolved  to  visit  at  some  fu- 
ture day  the  country  so  full  of  natural  wonders. 

During  the  absence  of  Pontgrav6  and  Cham- 
plain, their  ships  had  been  loaded  with  furs;  and 
soon  the  adventurers  were  on  their  way  back  to 

way  to  Panama.  Here,  .  .  .  his  bold  and  active  mind  con- 
ceived the  plar.  of  a  ship-canal  across  the  isthmus."  His  arrival 
in  the  St.  Lav/rence  in  1603  was  the  next  event  of  importance  in 
the  annals  of  New  France  following  the  discovery  of  that  river 
by  Cartier  learly  seventy  years  before. 

'  From  the  gulf  to  the  foot  of  Lake  Ontario  the  river  is  called 
the  St.  Lawrence ;  from  this  lake  to  the  outlet  of  Lake  Erie  it  is 
known  as  Niagara ;  from  the  lake  last  mentioned  to  Lake  St. 
Clair  it  is  distinguished  as  the  Detroit;  from  this  lake  to  Lake 
Huron  it  is  named  St.  Clair ;  from  Lake  Huron  to  the  foot  of 
Lake  Superior  it  is  called  St.  Mary ;  and  from  the  head  of  this 
last  lake  to  its  source  it  is  known  as  the  St.  Louis.  For  the  pur- 
poses of  historical  illustration,  the  lakes  mentioned  may  be  con- 
sidered as  enlargements  of  a  single  water-course, —  Lake  Michi- 
gan being  looked  upon  as  the  widening  of  a  tributary.  The 
vast  region  drained  by  this  great  waterway  forms  the  "  valley 
of  the  St.  Lawrence;  "  although  (in  a  restricted  sense)  the  term 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  9 

France.^  Champlain  had  accomplished  the  object 
of  his  mission  —  the  making  of  a  brief  explora- 
tion of  the  valley  of  the  chief  river  of  Canada. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  Champlain  that  on  the 
banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  was  the  true  site  of  a 
settlement;  that  here  a  fortified  post  should  be 
erected;  that  thence,  by  following  up  the  waters 
of  the  interior  region  to  their  sources,  a  western 
course  might  be  traced  to  China,  the  distance  being 
estimated  by  him  as  not  more  than  two  or  three 
hundred  leagues;^  and  that  the  fur  trade  of  the 
whole  country  might  be  secured  to  France  by  the 
erection  of  a  fort  at  some  point  commanding  the 
route. "^  These  views,  five  years  subsequent  to  his 
visit  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  induced  the  fitting  out 
by  Sieur  de  Monts,  successor  of  De  Chastes,  of  a 

is  applicable  usually  to  the  immediate  country  lying  between  the 
outlet  of  Lake  Ontario  and  the  head  of  the  gulf,  through  which 
region  flows  the  St.  Lawrence. 

'  Champlain  made,  in  all,  ten  voyages  from  France  to  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  return ;  the  eleventh  having  been  terminated  in 
Canada  by  his  death.    The  times  of  his  arrival  out  and  of  his 
departure  were, — 
Arrived  1603,  May  24,  departed  1603,  July  11. 

"        1608,  June  3,  "        1609,  Sept.  I.  ,       .   ,, 

"        1610,  April  26,        "        1610,  Aug.  13. 

"        161 1,  May  13,  "        161 1,  July  20. 

"        1 61 3,  April  29,        "        1 61 3,  July  8. 

"        1615,  May  25,  "        1616,  Aug.  3.  !    . 

"        1617,  June  14,  "        1617, . 

"        1618,  June  24,         "        1618,  July  26. 
"        1620,  July  7,  "        1624,  Aug.  15. 

1626,  July  5,  •'        1629,  Sept.  (?) 

"        1633,  May  22  (died  1635,  Dec.  25th). 
'  A  league  of  Champlain  was  two  and  ^^  English  miles. 
*  Champlain's  opinions  may  be  found  fully  set  forth  in  the  first 
of  his  publications  relating  to  New  France.     Concerning  his 
printed  works,  see  Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  I. 


lO  HISTORY   OF   BRULi^'S 

second  expedition,  for  trade,  exploration,  and 
colonization.  On  April  1 3tli,  1608,  Champlain,  who 
had  been  made  lieutenant-governor,  and  who  was 
to  hold  the  country  and  develop  its  geography,  again 
sailed — this  time  with  men,  arms,  and  stores  for  a 
colony.    The  fur  trade  was  entrusted  to  Pontgrav6. 

The  mouth  of  the  Saguenay  was  reached  in 
June ;  and  soon  after  a  settlement  was  commenced 
on  the  brink  of  the  St.  Lawrence  —  the  site  of  the 
present  market-place  of  the  lower  town  of  Que- 
bec. A  rigorous  winter  and  great  suffering  fol- 
lowed. Supplies  arrived  in  the  spring,  and  Cham- 
plain  determined  to  enter  upon  his  long-meditated 
explorations ;  —  the  only  obstacles  in  the  way  be- 
ing savage  nations  he  would  everywhere  meet. 
He  would  be  compelled  to  resort  to  diplomacy, — 
to  unite  a  friendly  tribe  to  his  interests,  and,  thus 
strengthened,  to  conquer,  by  force  of  arms,  the 
hostile,  one. 

The  Hurons,  who  lived  near  the  lake  which  now 
bears  their  name,  and  their  allies,  the  Algonquins, 
from  the  Ottawa  country,  also  the  Montagnais, 
dwelling  upon  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  to  the  north- 
ward, were  at  war,  as  Champlain  learned,  with  the 
Iroquois  —  as  named  by  the  French,  or  (as  after- 
ward called  by  the  English)  the  Five  Nations  — 
whose  homes  were  within  the  present  State  of 
New  York.^  In  June,  1609,  he  advanced,  with 
sixty  Indians  of  the  three  allied  nations  first  men- 
tioned and  two  white  men,  up  what  is  now  known 
as  the  Richelieu,  or  Sorel  river,^  to  the  discovery 

'  See,  further,  as  to  the  Hurons,  Algonquins,  Montagnais,  and 
Iroquois,  Appendix,  Note  II. 
*  This  river  is  also  known  by  several  other  names. 


•     DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  II 

of  the  first  of  the  great  lakes  —  the  one  which  now 
bears  his  name.  Upon  its  placid  waters  this  cour- 
ageous band  was  stopped  by  a  war-party  of  Iro- 
quois. On  shore,  the  contending  forces  wet,  when 
a  few  discharges  of  an  arquebuse  sent  the  advanc- 
ing enemy  in  wild  dismay  back  into  the  forest. 
The  victory  was  complete.  Promptly  Champlain 
returned  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  his  Huron,  Al- 
gonquin and  Montagnais  allies  to  their  homes;  not, 
however,  until  these  Indians  had  invited  him  to 
visit  their  towns  and  aid  them  again  in  their  wars. 
Champlain  then  revisited  France,  but  the  year  1610 
found  him  once  more  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  deter- 
mined he  would  never  cease  his  explorations  until 
he  had  penetrated  to  the  western  sea,  or  to  that  of 
the  north,  so  as  to  open  the  way  to  China.  But 
in  these  undertakings,  to  make  them  effective,  he 
must  have,  as  he  had  already  conjectured,  the  help 
of  friendly  Indians.  Could  he  command  this  aid? 
We  shall  now  see ;  and  we  shall  also  discover  that 
a  white  person  —  French  like  himself  —  was  to 
prove  an  important  support  in  his  work,  although 
a  mere  boy  when  first  called  to  his  assistance. 


CHAPTER  II. 

STEPHEN  BRULE  ARRIVES  IN  NEW  FRANCE  WITH 
CHAMPLAIN. —  THE  LATTER  GOES  AGAINST  THE 
IROQUOIS. —  BRUL£  sent  TO  THE  COUNTRY  OF 
THE  HURONS. —  HIS  RETURN  TO  THE  ST.  LAW- 
RENCE.—  HIS  DISCOVERIES  WHILE  ABSENT. —  ACTS 
AS  INTERPRETER,  ON  HIS  RETURN,  FOR  CHAM- 
PLAIN  AND  THE  HURONS. —  WAS  THE  FIRST  WHITE 
MAN  TO  DESCEND  THE  LACHINE  RAPIDS. —  CHAM- 
PLAIN'S  POLICY  OF  TRAINING  YOUNG  MEN  AS  IN- 
TERPRETERS.—  JOURNEY  OF  CHAMPLAIN  UP  THE 
OTTAWA,  IN  1613.  —  HIS  FAILURE  TO  DISCOVER 
THE  NORTH  SEA. —  BRULE  PROBABLY  SPENDS  THE 
WINTER   OF    1613-I4   AMONG   ALGONQUINS. 

Stephen  Brule  ^  was  born  in  Champigny, 
France,  about  the  year  1592.  Of  his  parents  and 
his  childhood,  nothing  is  known.  He  came  to 
New  France  in  the  ship  commanded  by  Cham- 
plain,  which  left  Honfleur  on  April  13th,  1608,  with 
men,  arms  and  stores  for  the  settlement  to  be 
founded  upon  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  Above 
the  Island  of  Orleans,  where  the  stream  narrows 
to  less  than  a  mile,  a  point  was  selected ;  and  here, 
during  the  summer,  Quebec  sprang  into  existence, 
with   Brule,  the  subject  of  our  narrative,  as  one 

'  Francis  Parkman  (Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World, 
P-  379«)  suggests  that  Brul6's  name  "may  possibly  allude  to 
the  fiery  ordeal  through  which  he  had  passed ; ' '  that  is  to  say, 
he  was  called  "  Brul6"  only  at  a  later  date,  after  he  had  suffered 
severely  at  the  hands  of  savages.  While  this  is  barely  pos- 
sible, it  is  not  at  all  probable.    The  name  is  pronounced  bru-lay. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  1 3 

of  its  original  inhabitants.  He  was  one  of  eight 
persons  who  escaped  the  attacks  of  a  scorbutic  dis- 
ease, which  proved  fatal  to  the  other  twenty  who 
wintered  at  Quebec  during  that  year. 

We  left  Champlain,  the  lieutenant-governor  of 
New  France,  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  having  re- 
turned, in  the  year  last  mentioned,  from  his  native 
country — France.  He  had  ample  power  given 
him  by  his  superiors  either  to  go  to  war  against 
savages  or  to  explore  unknown  regions.  He 
would  do  both.  The  Montagnais  —  Indians  of 
Algonquin  lineage,  who  occupied  the  surround- 
ing wilds  —  had  agreed  to  guide  him  toward  the 
north,  to  the  waters  of  Hudson  bay,  while  the 
Hurons  were  to  show  him  their  great  lakes  and 
other  natural  wonders.  As  a  reward  for  all  this, 
he  would  join  them  aganist  their  common  enemy  — 
the  Iroquois.  But  the  exploration  to  Hudson  bay 
was  postponed  for  a  year;  nevertheless,  there 
would  be  a  meeting  of  Montagnais,  Algonquins 
and  Hurons  with  Champlain,  as  had  been  agreed 
upon,  to  be  held  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Riche- 
lieu, when  matters  of  grave  import  could  be  talked 
over  and  more  definite  arrangements  made. 

To  an  island  ^  off  the  mouth  of  the  Richelieu, 
Champlain  repaired,  taking  with  him  his  servant, 
the  ' '  young  lad  "  Brul6.  There,  also,  congregated 
Montagnais,  but  as  yet  no  Algonquins  or  Hurons 
appeared.  Suddenly,  however,  a  canoe  arrived 
with  the  startling  information  that  the  Algon- 
quins were  engaged  with  a  hundred  Iroquois  who 
had  barricaded  a  small  spot  of  ground  and  were 
making  a    desperate   defense.      The    Montagnais 

'  Now  known  as  St.  Ignace. 


A  '  / 


14  HISTORY   OF   BRULE  S 

and  Champlain  (probably  accompanied  by  Brul6), 
with  four  other  Frenchmen,  hastened  to  the  help  of 
their  allies.  Guided  by  the  advice  and  skill  of 
Champlain,  the  attacking  savages  soon  gained  a 
complete  victory  —  other  Frenchmen  meanwhile 
having  reached  the  scene  of  conflict.  Fifteen 
Iroquois  were  made  prisoners;  the  residue  were 
either  killed  or  drowned  in  the  river.  One  of  the 
captured  was  saved  by  Champlain;  all  the  rest 
were  doomed  sooner  or  later  to  be  tortured.  One 
was,  after  death  had  relieved  him  of  his  suffering, 
quartered  and  eaten.  The  next  day  the  Hurons 
appeared.  There  were  wild  orgies  on  the  island 
and  on  the  shore,  as  may  be  presumed.^ 

Preparations  were  soon  made  by  the  exultant 
savages  for  returning  to  their  homes ;  but  Cham- 
plain could  not  go  with  those  who  were  to  jour- 
ney, on  their  way  back,  up  the  Ottawa  —  the  rea- 
son of  which  does  not  exactly  appear ;  doubtless, 
however,  there  were  pressing  reasons ;  but  the  In- 
dians had  the  splendid  victory  over  the  one  hundred 
Iroquois  to  console  them,  though  probably  greatly 
disappointed  in  not  having  the  pleasure  of  the 
Frenchman's  presence  on  their  return.  But  Cham- 
plain was  to  have  a  substitute; — strange  enough, 
it  was  to  be  the  "  young  boy,"  Brul6,  who  seems 
to  have  been  seized  with  a  desire  to  go  with  the 
savages  and  acquire  the  language  of  at  least  some 
one  of  the  nations. 

There  was  now  with  Champlain,  Pontgrav^,  the 
merchant  of  St.   Malo.     He  had  come  to  the  St. 

'  For  an  engraving,  from  a  drawing  by  Champlain,  illustrat- 
ing the  capturing,  on  June  19th,  1610,  of  the  Iroquois  fort,  see  his 
Voyages  of  1613. 


.    DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  1 5 

Lawrence  (sent  by  De  Monts,  who  had  a  brief 
monopoly  of  the  fur  trade  in  that  river),  in  com- 
mand of  a  ship  laden  with  goods  for  traffic  with 
the  Indians,  and  had  sailed  but  a  short  time 
before  Champlain  started  from  France.  Both 
these  Frenchmen  concluded  that,  if  Brul^  was 
really  desirous  of  going  with  the  savages,  it  would 
be  well  to  consent  to  it.  They  also  made  up  their 
minds  to  send  him  to  the  country  of  the  Hurons, 
that  he  might  ascertain  the  nature  of  that  region ; 
see  their  lake  (then  nameless,  but  now  called  Lake 
Huron);  observe  the  various  tribes  who  dwelt 
there;  and  see  other  objects  of  especial  interest;^ 
so  that,  upon  his  return,  the  facts  could  be  better 
understood  concerning  all  these  things.  It  was 
with  great  pleasure  the  boy  heard  their  resolve.*' 
An  Algonquin  chief  present,  whose  name  was 
Iroquet,  had  formed  a  very  warm  attachment  for 
the  Frenchman.  He  was  asked  by  the  latter  if  he 
would  like  to  take  the  "  young  boy"  (Champlain 
never  once  mentions  Brule's  name)  to  his  country 
to  spend  the  winter  with  him,  and  to  bring  him 
back  in  the  spring.     The  Algonquin  chief  readily 

'  "  I  had  promised, ' '  says  Champlain,  previously.  ' '  the  Algon- 
quins  and  Ochateguins  [Hurons]  that  I  would  help  them  in  their 
wars,  they  having  agreed  to  show  me  their  country,  the  great 
lake  [Huron],  some  copper  mines,  and  other  things  which  they 
had  spoken  to  me  about. ' '  This  clearly  indicates  that  they  knew 
of  the  Lake  Superior  copper  mines ;  for  these  Indians  had  no 
idea  of  copper  except  in  its  pure  or  crude  state ;  and  it  was  to  be 
found  in  that  condition  in  no  other  mines,  in  all  the  region  of 
the  Great  Lakes. 

»"I  had,"  says  Champlain,  "a  young  lad  who  had  already 
spent  two  winters  [1609,  1610]  at  Quebec,  and  who  desired  to  go 
with  the  Algonquins  [and  Hurons]  to  learn  their  language.  1 
thought  it  well  to  send  him  in  that  direction  because  he  could 


l6  HISTORY   OF   BRULfi'S 

assented  to  this ;  indeed,  he  seemed  greatly  pleased 
with  the  idea, —  promising  he  would  treat  the  boy 
as  his  own  son.  However,  when  Iroquet  came  to 
lay  the  plan  before  the  assembled  Algonquins,  they 
were  not  pleased  with  it.  They  were  afraid  some 
accident  might  happen  to  the  boy,  in  which  case 
Champlain  might  be  provoked  to  make  war  upon 
them.  The  enthusiasm  of  Iroquet  was  cooled  by 
this  suggestion  of  the  Indians.  The  chief  has- 
tened to  his  white  friend,  telling  him  his  com- 
panions were  of  the  opinion  that  the  idea  was  not 
a  good  one. 

But  Champlain  had  now  determined  to  carry  out 
the  plan,  if  possible,  and  he  called  all  the  savage 
chiefs  in  council.  They  readily  presented  them- 
selves, with  others  of  their  companions  who,  be- 
cause of  their  age,  or  other  qualifications,  were 
relied  upon  as  safe  counsellors.  "  Why,"  said 
Champlain,  '  *  does  Iroquet,  whom  I  look  upon  as 
my  friend,  refuse  to  take  my  boy  with  him  ?  This, 
surely,  is  not  acting  as  though  he  held  me  in 
esteem,  when  he  refuses  to  carry  out  what  he  has 
promised  and  what  could  only  result  in  good  to 

see  the  country,  also  the  great  lake  [Lake  Huron],  observe  the 
rivers,  the  people,  the  mines  [of  which  he  (Champlain)  had 
heard  from  the  Hurons]  and  other  rare  things,  so  as  to  report 
truth  about  all  this.  He  accepted  the  duty  with  pleasure." 
Champlain,  in  i6i8,  says  Brul6  had  been,  at  that  date,  eight  years 
amongst  the  Indians  of  Upper  Canada ;  and  as  he  was  the  only 
one  of  Champlain's  interpreters  who  had  seen  that  length  of 
service,  it  is  suflBciently  certain  that  Brul6  was  the  young  man, 
or  lad,  sent,  in  1610,  to  the  Algonquins  and  Hurons.  (Compare 
Laverdifere's  Champlain,  pp.  368,  621.)  Mr.  Benjamin  Suite,  in 
his  "Annals  of  Ottawa,"  published  in  the  Ottawa  Evening 
/ournal,  January  12,  1889,  has  no  doubt  the  "young  man"  (or 
"young  lad,"  as  Champlain  terms  him)  of  1610,  and  Brul6,  the 
interpreter,  of  1618,  were  one  and  the  same  person. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXI'LORATIONS.  if 

his  people.  If  he  takes  the  boy,  it  would  be  the 
means  of  making  us  closer  friends  with  each  other 
and  with  their  neighbors.  But  your  hesitation 
gives  me  an  unfavorable  opinion  of  you.  If  you 
will  not  take  the  lad  as  Iroquet  has  promised,  I 
will  never  have  any  more  friendship  for  you ;  for 
you  are  not  children,  to  break  your  promises  in 
this  manner." 

This  was  bold  language,  but  it  was  needed ;  and 
the  savages  were  not  slow  to  explain  away  their 
scruples.  They  said  they  were  satisfied  with  the 
arrangement,  only  that  they  fcaied  some  harm 
might  befall  the  boy  from  a  change  of  diet  — 
from  good  victuals  to  what  was  worse  than  he  had 
been  accustomed  to;  and  that  as  a  consequence 
the  wrath  of  Champlain  might  be  provoked  against 
them.  But  the  latter  replied  that  the  lad  would 
be  able  to  adapt  himself  to  their  manner  of  living 
with  little  or  no  difficulty; — he  would  soon  be- 
come accustomed  to  their  usual  food ;  and  should 
sickness  or  war  cause  him  harm,  it  would  be  no 
cause  for  complaint  towards  them;  besides,  all 
were  liable  to  accidents,  and  if  any  should  happen 
to  him,  there  must  and  would  be  on  his  part  a 
proper  submission  to  the  inevitable.  '  *  Should  you 
treat  him  badly  or  should  misfortune  happen  to 
him,"  continued  Champlain,  "  through  your  fault, 
I  should  in  truth  be  displeased;  this,  however, 
I  do  not  expect  from  you,  but  quite  the  contrary." 

"Since,  then,"  replied  the  chiefs,  "it  is  your 
request,  we  will  take  the  lad  with  us  and  treat  him 
as  one  of  us ;  but  we  ask  you  to  take  one  of  our 
young  men  in  his  place  to  go  with  you  to  France. 
It  will  be  pleasant  for  us  to  hear  from  him  upon 


l8  HISTORY    OF    BkULE'S 

his  return  about  the  many  fine  things  he  has  seen." 
Champlain  accepted  with  pleasure  the  proposi- 
tion made  by  the  savages.  He  took  the  young 
man,  a  Huron,  who  seemed  glad  to  go  with  him. 
He  was  given  the  name  of  Savignon.  It  was,  in- 
deed, a  masLcr-stroke  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  and  could  only  redound  to  the  benefit  of 
both  sides,  as  it  would  be  an  additional  motive 
with  each  to  treat  the  one  intrusted  to  them  better 
than  they  otherwise  might  do. 

Champlain  fitted  out  young  Bru\6  as  best  he 
could  with  whatever  he  needed,  and  handed  him 
over  to  the  care  of  his  savage  friends.  Mutual 
promises  were  made  to  meet  again  at  the  end  of 
the  next  June,  when  the  white  boy  and  Savignon 
were  to  be  exchanged.^  Then  there  was  a  final 
parting,  with  many  promises  of  friendship. ** 

Champlaift,  on  August  8th,  set  sail  from  Que- 
bec for  France.  He  ' '  arrived  at  Honfleur  with 
no  worse  accident  than  that  of  running  over  a 
sleeping  whale  near  the  Grand  Bank."  But  he 
did  not  remain  long  in  his  native  country.  Be- 
fore the  first  half  of  May,  1611,  had  gone  by,  he 
was  again  in  Tadoussac.  He  was  now  possessed  of 
one  paramount  idea  —  to  establish  such  a  trade 
with  the  Indian  nations  in  circumjacent  regions  as 
would  inure  to  the  advantage  of  De  Monts  and 
his  associates.     Moving  up  the  St.   Lawrence  to 

'  Appendix,  Note  III. 

*Ibid.  "The  object  of  Champlain  in  enlisting  Brul6,  Nicolet, 
Marsolet,  Hertel,  Marg^ierie,  and  other  grown-up  boys  for  service 
in  Canada,  from  1608  to  1620,  was  to  educate  them  as  interpre- 
ters. They  all  could  read  and  write ;  some  of  them  were  even 
perfeci,  scholars." — Benjamin  Suite:  "Annals  of  the  Ottawa,"  in 
the  Ottawa  Evening  Journal,  Jan.  12,  1889. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  I9 

the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Montreal,  he  there 
commenced  to  survey  the  ground  for  a  permanent 
trading-post.  Many  boats  followed  him  up  the 
river  as  eager  as  himself  —  indeed,  far  more  so  — 
to  traffic  with  the  Indians.  Champlain  modestly 
declares  that,  on  May  17th,  he  started  for  "the 
great  fall" — Lachine  rapids  —  to  meet  the  sav- 
ages who  the  year  previous  had  promised  to  go 
there  with  his  servant  [Brul6],  whom  he  had  sent 
with  them,  that  he  might  learn  from  him  what 
he  had  seen  during  the  winter.  In  his  company  was 
the  hostage,  Savignon,  who  had  returned  with  him 
from  France;  and  he  was  now  ready  for  an  ex- 
change—  giving  his  Huron  for  Bru\6,  upon  the 
arrival  of  the  latter  at  the  rendezvous  previously 
agreed  upon. 

Finally,  on  June  13th,  there  appeared  two  hun- 
dred Hurons;  also  three  chiefs  —  Ochateguin, 
Iroquet,  and  Tregouaroti,  the  latter  a  brother  of 
Savignon.  They  had  brought  back  "my  serv- 
ant," as  Champlain  expresses  it.  "I  went  to 
see  them  in  a  canoe  with  our  savage,"^  are 
his  further  words.  Then  there  was  great  re- 
joicing. The  Indians  greeted  Savignon.  They 
had  heard  through  the  Algonquins  (who  got  the 
report  from  the  Montagnais)  that  he  was  dead. 
When  they  saw  him  before  them  in  good  health, 
there  can  be  no  wonder  that  their  joy  was  un- 
bounded. He  spoke  highly  of  the  treatment  he 
had  received  while  absent,  and  recounted  to  his 
brother  and  friends  many  particulars  concerning 
the  remarkable  things  he  had  seen, —  at  which  all 
were  filled  with  astonishment.     "  I  saw  also  my 

',  '  That  is,  with  Savignon. 


30  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

servant,"  are  the  unimpassioned  words  of  Cham- 
plain,  "  who  was  dressed  in  the  costume  of  the  sav- 
ages." Brul6  was  not  slow  to  communicate  to  his 
master  the  fact  of  his  having  been  treated  with 
uniform  kindness  by  the  Hurons;  then,  too,  he 
gave  him  a  lengthy  account  of  all  he  had  seen  and 
heard  during  his  absence.  It  must  have  been 
gratifying  to  Champlain  to  discover  that  "  the 
boy  ' '  had  learned  the  Huron  ' '  language  very 
well '  * —  an  accomplishment  which  was  quickly 
utilized  by  his  master.^ 

In  going  to  the  Huron  country,  Brul6  was  the 
first  of  Europeans  to  ascend  the  Ottawa  —  the  first 
white  person  to  stand  upon  the  shores  of  Lake 
Nipissing  —  the  first  to  descend  the  French  riv- 
er—  and  the  first  to  discover  Lake  Huron, '^  al- 
though, of  course,  Champlain  knew  already  of 
the  existence,  from  Indian  reports,  of  both  these 
lakes  and  of  the  river  last  mentioned ;  and,  of  Lake 
Huron,  Cartier  had  heard  in  1535,  although  the 
savages  reported  it  (as  the  Frenchman  understood 
it)  to  be  a  sea.^     The  young  man's  arrival  among 

•  In  Champlain's  recital  of  the  sending  of  Brul6  with  the  sav- 
ages and  of  the  particular  events  transpiring  up  to  the  time  of  his 
being  first  seen  upon  his  return,  the  fact  that  he  had  been  among 
the  Hurons  in  their  country  is  not  expressly  declared.  Present- 
ly, however,  as  we  follow  his  narrative,  such  will  very  conclu- 
sively appear.  Mr.  Francis  Parkman,  in  Pioneers  of  France  in 
the  New  World,  p.  33 5«,  speaks  of  "a  youth  [Brul6,  as  as- 
sumed in  our  narrative]  who  had  volunteered  the  previous  sum- 
mer [that  is,  in  the  summer  of  1610J  to  go  with  the  Hurons  to 
their  country  [the  italicising  is  mine]  and  winter  among  them, — 
a  proposal  to  which  Champlain  gladly  assented. " 

» See  Appendix,  Note  IX.  What  Brul6  saw  was  that  part  of 
Lake  Huron  now  known  as  the  Georgian  bay. 

*  Lescarbot's  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  p.  381. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  21 

the  Hurons  was  a  source  of  great  wonder,  as  but  a 
few  had  ever  before  seen  a  "  pale  face."  Cham- 
plain's  "young  boy"  was  a  close  observer,  and 
in  acquiring  Indian  languages  was  exceedingly 
ready.  It  was  not  many  years  before  Cham- 
plain  himself,  with  Brul^  by  his  side,  had  an  op- 
portunity to  test  the  correctness  of  his  descriptions 
and  conclusions  of  this,  the  first  exploration  ever 
made  of  the  Province  of  Ontario.' 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  incidents  occurring 
upon  the  St.  Lawrence  at  the  meeting  between 
Champlain  and  the  Hurons  after  the  exchange  of 
Brul6  for  Savignon,  especially  as  to  the  part  taken 
by  the  "  young  lad,"  now  that  he  was,  for  the  first 
time  in  his  life,  doing  duty  as  interpreter,  as  will 
now  be  seen,  between  his  countrymen  and  the  In- 
dians —  but  at  this  time  restricted  to  helping  Cham- 
plain  on  the  one  side  and  the  Hurons  on  the  other. 

The  number  of  fur-traders  present  excited  the 
alarm  of  the  Hurons.  The  savages  gave  infor- 
mation through  Brul6  that  four  hundred  more  of 
their  people  had  proposed  coming,  but  had  been 
deterred  by  a  report  that  he  (Champlain)  had  re- 
turned to  meet   the  Algonquins^  with  six  hun- 

'  "Both  of  these  hostages  [Brul6  (as  we  assume)  and  Savig- 
non], after  a  mutual  restitution  was  made  the  next  year,  be- 
came of  manifest  value  to  Champlain  in  his  later  intercourse 
with  the  savages,  for  this  interchange  of  interpreters  enabled 
him  to  reach  better  conclusions  as  to  the  great  lakes  of  the  west, 
and  as  to  the  passage  towards  Florida  on  the  south." — Winsor, 
in  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  p.  loo.  It  is  clearly  evident  from 
Champlain's  instructions  to  Brul6  that,  much  as  he  desired  his 
"lad"  to  qualify  himself  as  interpreter,  it  was  still  more  his 
wish  he  should  observe  closely  all  that  was  to  be  seen  of  the 
country  and  of  the  people  who  inhabited  it. 

*  That  is,  Algonquins  and  Hurons.  /    .' 


22  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

dred  Iroquois  and  kill  them  all.  However,  the 
story  was  not  believed  by  those  who  had  made 
their  appearance.  "  If,"  said  they,  "  we  had  put 
confidence  in  what  we  heard,  we  should  not  have 
come  to  meet  you  as  agreed  upon ;  but  others  of 
our  people  were  afraid,  they  never  having  seen 
a  Frenchman,  except  your  servant."^  Then  the 
Hurons  gave  the  further  information  ilit  three 
hundred  Algonquins  would  arrive  in  five  or  six 
days  to  unite  with  them  in  an  expedition  against 
the  Iroquois,  providing  Champlain  would  go  with 
them.  "  I  talked,"  says  Champlain,  "  a  great  deal 
with  them  about  the  source  of  the  great  river  [St, 
Lawrence]  and  their  country,  and  they  gave  me 
detailed  information  about  their  rivers,  falls,  lakes 
and  lands,  as  also  about  the  tribes  living  there 
and  what  is  to  be  found  in  that  region.  .  .  . 
They  told  me  also  that,  the  winter  before,  some 
savages  had  come  from  the  direction  of  Florida, 
beyond  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  who  lived  near 
our  ocean,  and  were  in  alliance  with  these  [Hu- 
ron] savages."  '^ 

Two  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  Hurons,  they 
became  alarmed  again  at  the  appearance  of  so 
many  white  traders.  Champlain  was  called,  and 
with  the  aid  of  his  "  servant  Brul6,"  and  the 
"  savage  Savignon,"  was,  during  the  night,  suc- 
cessful, as  he  supposed,  in  quieting  their  fears. 
On  the  seventeenth,  under  pretense  of  going  to 

'  As  it  was  Hurons  that  were  talking,  this  declaration  of  theirs 
makes  it  certain  that  Brul6  went  to  their  country. 

'These  savage  allies  of  the  Hurons  were,  as  will  hereafter 
appear,  Carantouanais,  or  Carantouans,  as  named  by  Champlain, 
but  more  properly,  Carantouannais :  they  were  Andastes  of  later 
writers. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  23 

hunt  beaver,  they  removed  above  Lachine  rapids 
to  be  sure  that  they  would  be  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  French  barges,  at  the  same  time  leaving  Savig- 
non  with  Champlain  to  avoid  suspicion.  The 
next  day  the  latter  was  requested  to  go  to  their 
camp,  and  was  told  that  he  would  soon  be  sent 
for,  but  to  take  with  him  only  Brul6;  then  it  was 
that  Savignon  took  final  leave  of  Champlain,  who 
was  very  glad  to  be  relieved  of  caring  for  him. 
He  was  given  some  trinkets  and  was  much 
pleased,  at  the  same  time  he  feelingly  mentioned 
that  he  was  about  to  enter  upon  an  irksome  life, 
compared  with  what  he  had  led  in  France. 

Afterwards,  Champlain  was  conducted,  along 
with  Brul6,  to  the  Laj:e  of  Two  Mountains,  where 
the  Hurons  were  encamped.  It  seems  the  Indians 
had  heard  before  starting  that  they  were  all  to  be 
killed ;  hence  their  ruse  in  getting  above  the  rap- 
ids. Again  Champlain  quieted  their  fears.  There- 
upon arrangements  were  made  for  the  sending 
with  them,  on  their  return,  a  young  man  belong- 
ing to  one  of  the  traders.  Afterwards,  it  was  de- 
termined that  one  of  Champlain 's  young  men,  also, 
should  go  —  the  latter  to  the  Huron  country  for  a 
winter's  sojourn ;  ^  however,  the  other  was  to  go 
only  to  the  Algonquins,  being  cared  for  by  the 
chief  Iroquet,  ' '  who  lived  eighty  leagues  from  the 

'"One  of  our  young  men,"  says  Champlain,  "also  deter- 
mined to  go  with  these  savages,  who  are  Charioquois  [Hurons], 
living  at  a  distance  of  some  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from 
the  fall  [of  St.  Louis  —  Lachine  rapids].  He  went  with  the 
brother  of  Savignon,  one  of  the  captains  [Tregouaroti],  who 
promised  me  to  show  him  all  that  could  be  seen."  (See  vol. 
Ill,  p.  30,  of  Champlain's  Voyages  —  Prince  Society  Publica- 
tions; also  Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  IX.) 


24  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

fall"  —  that  is,  from  Lachine  rapids.^  In  return- 
ing to  the  island  where  was  the  original  meeting, 
both  Champlain  and  Brul6,  by  the  aid  of  the  sav- 
ages who  took  them  back,  descended  the  river  in 
safety, —  Brul6,  on  his  return  from  the  Huron 
country,  having  been  the  first  white  person  to 
"  shoot  "  the  falls.2  Then  the  Hurons  all  started 
for  their  homes,  the  two  young  Frenchmen  going 
along  delighted  with  the  prospects  of  enjoying  a 
winter  among  the  savages. 

It  was  the  middle  of  July  before  all  the  Algon- 
quins  reached  the  rendezvous.  After  an  inter- 
change of  views  and  the  sending  with  them,  by 
Champlain,  a  young  man  whose  name  was  Nicho- 
las Vignau,''  the  meeting  broke  up;  the  Indians 
going  their  way  and  Champlain  and  Brul6  return- 
ing to  Quebec. 

The  policy  of  Champlain,  begun  with  Brul6, 
was  now  fully  developed  of  sending  young  men 
among  the  savages  "  to  make,"  as  he  subsequent- 
ly declared,  "  the  acquaintance  of  the  people,  to 
learn  their  mode  of  living,  and  the  character  and 
extent  of  their  territory."     In  other  words,  "  to 

'  It  is  probable  that  this  young  Frenchman  was  Thomas,  who 
afterward  acted  as  interpreter  for  Champlain  in  going  up  the 
Ottawa  in  1613,  mention  of  which  journey  will  soon  be  made. 

'  Appendix,  Note  IV.  ' '  The  first  white  man  to  descend  the 
rapids  of  St.  Louis  was  a  youth  [Brule]  who  had  volunteered, 
the  previous  summer  [that  is,  the  summer  of  1610],  to  go  with 
the  Hurons  to  their  country  to  winter  among  them." — Park- 
man's  Pioneers,  p.  335«. 

3  As  just  explained,  the  young  man  belonging  to  one  of  the 
traders,  and  sent  to  the  Algonquins,  was  cared  for  by  Iroquet; 
and,  as  the  home  of  that  chief  was  farther  up  the  Ottawa  than 
Champlain  says  was  reached  by  Vignau,  the  latter  must  have 
been  the  one  sent  out  last. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  25 

place  competent  young  men  with  the  different 
tribes  of  savages,  to  obtain  that  kind  of  informa- 
tion which  could  only  come  from  an  actual  and 
prolonged  residence  with  them.  This  enabled  him 
to  secure  not  only  the  most  accurate  knowledge  of 
their  domestic  habits  and  customs,  the  character 
and  spirit  of  their  life,  but  these  young  men  by 
their  long,  residence  with  the  savages  acquired  a 
good  knowledge  of  their  language,  and  were  able 
to  act  as  interpreters.  This  was  a  matter  of  very 
great  importance,  as  it  was  often  necessary  for 
Champlain  to  communicate  with  the  different  tribes 
in  making  treaties  of  friendship,  in  discussing 
questions  of  [importance  which  might  arise  when 
there  was]  war  with  their  enemies  in  settling 
disagreements  among  themselves,  and  in  making 
arrangements  with  them  for  the  yearly  purchase 
of  their  peltry.  It  was  not  easy  to  obtain  suitable 
persons  for  this  important  office.  Those  who  had 
the  intellectual  qualifications,  and  who  had  any 
high  aspirations,  would  not  naturally  incline  to 
pass  years  in  the  stupid  and  degrading  associa- 
tions, to  say  nothing  of  the  hardships  and  depriva- 
tions, of  savage  life."  ^ 

For  the  next  four  years  —  that  is,  from  July,  1611 , 
to  the  same  month  in  161 5 — history  is  well-nigh 

'  Rev.  E.  F.  Slafter,  in  his  Historical  Illustrations  of  Charles 
Pomeroy  Otis's  Translations  of  Champlain's  Voyages  —  Vol.  Ill 
of  the  Prince  Society  Publications,  p.  21 5«.  Or,  we  might  say, 
in  the  language  of  another,  Champlain  would  send  a  num- 
ber of  young  men  to  the  Indians,  "  to  have  them  trained  to  the 
life  of  the  woods  —  to  the  language,  manners,  customs,  and 
habits  of  the  savages, ' '  thereby  ' '  to  open  through  them,  as  ad- 
visers and  interpreters,  friendly  relations,  when  the  proper  time 
should  come,  with  the  Indian  nations,"  among  whom  he  might 
tra'  el,  or  "  with  whom  he  might  choose  to  arrange  a  close  alliance." 


26  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

silent  as  to  Brul6.  All  that  is  recorded  of  him  is, 
that  he  lived  among  the  savages ;  and  it  is  known 
that  meanwhile  he  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the 
language  spoken  by  the  Montagnais  and  by  the 
savages  of  the  Ottawa  river  and  Lake  Nipissing.^ 
Soon  after  his  return  from  the  Huron  country,  his 
master  (or,  we  might  now  say,  his  patron)  again 
started  for  France.  Before  leaving,  Champlain,  it 
is  believed,  made  arrangements  to  send  once  more 
his  "  boy  "  to  live  for  awhile  among  the  Indians. 

After  returning  to  Quebec,  the  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor again  set  his  face  toward  France,  arriving 
out  in  good  time;  but  the  next  summer  he  was 
compelled  to  give  up,  for  the  season,  all  idea  of 
going  back  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  It  was  then  that 
Nicholas  Vignau  reached  Paris,  having  spent  the 
previous  winter  on  the  Ottawa,  whither,  as  we  have 
seen,  he  had  gone  the  previous  year.  He  brought 
accounts  of  what  he  pretended  to  have  seen ;  his 
story  was  indeed  ' '  a  tale  of  wonders. ' '  There  was  a 
great  lake  near  the  heads  of  the  Ottawa,  according 
to  this '  *  most  impudent  liar. ' '  Beyond  this  flowed  a 
river  to  the  northward.     This  he  descended,  accord- 

'Sagard  [Htstotre  du  Canada  (Paris  Reprint,  1866),  p.  338] 
afterward  speaks  of  the  trouble  Brul6  experienced  in  acquiring 
these  languages  as  well  as  that  of  the  Hurons:  "There  is  an- 
other great  difl&culty  in  learning  these  languages  [that  is,  the 
Huron,  Algonquin  and  Montagnais],  in  the  pronunciation  of 
some  of  the  syllables,  which,  upon  being  pronounced  in  different 
ways,  cause  the  same  word  to  have  different  significations.  .  .  . 
This  is  the  reason  why  one  must  study  with  very  much  difl&culty 
the  elementary  sounds — and  must  learn  the  cadence  if  one  is 
anxious  to  go  ahead ;  for  which  cause,  also,  the  interpreter  Brul6 
has  found  himself  sometimes  very  much  embarrassed,  and  my- 
self yet  more."  (See  Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  XXII 
[bj,  where  the  entire  extract  is  translated  literally. ) 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  27 

ing  to  his  story, —  finally  reaching  the  shores  of  the 
sea.  There  he  had  seen  the  wreck  of  an  English 
vessel.  This  ocean  was  distant  from  the  St.  Law- 
rence only  seventeen  days  by  canoe.  Champlain 
heard  all  this  and  put  faith  in  it.  The  spring  of 
1613  found  him  again  at  Quebec,  determined  to  go 
over  the  route  pursued,  as  he  fondly  believed,  by 
Vignau,  until  he  had  reached  the  North  Sea.  He 
ascended  the  Ottawa  many  a  weary  mile  to  the 
home  of  the  Algonquins  of  Isle  des  Allumettes, 
only  to  discover  that  he  had  reached  the  point  be- 
yond which  the  deceiver  had  not  journeyed.  He 
had  been  duped;  and,  filled  with  indignation,  he 
started  back. 

Champlain  arrived  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis  — 
Lachine  rapids  —  on  June  17th,  having  set  out  on 
his  return  on  the  loth.  In  his  company  were 
forty  canoes,  increased  afterwards  to  sixty,  all 
belonging  to  Algonquins  on  their  way  to  the  St. 
Lawrence  to  trade  with  the  French.  After  the 
savages  had  finished  bartering  their  furs  with  the 
white  traders  and  were  on  the  point  of  return- 
ing up  the  Ottawa  to  their  homes,  Champlain 
asked  them  to  take  with  them  two  young  men, —  to 
treat  them  in  a  friendly  manner,  to  show  them  their 
country,  and  to  bring  them  back  unharmed.  But 
the  Indians  objected, —  at  the  same  time  calling 
Champlain 's  attention  to  the  trouble  Vignau  had 
given  him,  they  fearing  the  two  who  it  was  pro- 
posed they  should  take  with  them  might  bring  false 
reports  as  he  had  done.  But  Champlain  explained 
they  could  both  be  relied  upon,  and  that,  if  they 
would  not  take  them,  he  would  be  displeased  — 
would  look  upon  them  all  as  not  being  his  friends ; 


38  HISTORY    OF   BRULE  S 

SO  the  Indians  consented  to  take  them  both  along. 
And  here  it  may  be  suggested  that,  possibly,  one 
of  these  young  Frenchmen  was  Brul6;  indeed,  in 
view  of  subsequent  events,  it  seems  quite  within 
the  range  of  probability  that  such  was  the  fact.* 

<  If  Brul^  spent  the  winter  of  1613-  '14  among  the  Algonquins, 
he  must  have  returned  to  the  St.  Lawrence  in  the  summer  of  the 
year  last  mentioned,  as  early  the  next  year  his  presence  there  is 
certain. 


CHAPTER  III. 

brul£,  accompanying  champlain,  again  starts 
for  the  huron  country. —  he  goes  as  inter- 
preter for  the  lieutenant-governor. — 
his  arrival  among  the  hurons. —  cham- 
plain  starts  with  several  hundred  of 
these  indians  against  the  iroquois.  —  some 
accounts  of  the  mohawks,  oneidas,  onon- 
dagas,  cayugas,  and  senegas. 

On  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Montreal,  there 
assembled,  in  the  summer  of  1615,  Hurons  and  Al- 
gonquins,  who  had  come  down  for  the  yearly  trade 
with  the  French  upon  the  St.  Lawrence.  Cham- 
plain,  who  had  returned  in  May  from  France,  was 
asked  by  the  Hurons  to  join  their  bands  against 
the  Iroquois  —  particularly  against  that  one  of  the 
Five  Nations  known  afterwards  to  the  whites  as  the 
Onondagas, living  to  the  southward  of  Lake  Ontario. 
Twenty-five  hundred  Indian  warriors  were  prom- 
ised to  go  upon  the  war-path.  The  campaign  was 
to  be  on  a  much  more  comprehensive  scale  than 
anything  that  had  preceded  it,  and  was  to  be  an  at- 
tack on  a  large  town  situated  in  the  heart  of  the 
present  State  of  New  York.  This  was  distant  not 
less  than  eight  hundred  miles  by  the  circuit- 
ous route  which  it  was  necessary  to  make  in 
reaching  it.  Warriors  were  to  be  collected  and 
marshalled  from  the  various  villages  of  the  Hu- 
rons ;  Algonquins  also  were  to  join  them. 


3C  HISTORY   OF   BRULlfi'S 

"  The  undertaking  was  not  a  small  one.  A  jour- 
ney, including  the  return,  of  fifteen  hundred  or 
two  thousand  miles,  by  river  and  lake,  through 
swamps  and  tangled  forests,  with  the  incumbrance 
of  necessary  baggage  and  a  motley  crowd  of  sev- 
eral hundred  savages  to  be  daily  fed  by  the  chance 
of  fishing  and  hunting,  demanded  a  brave  heart 
and  a  strong  will.  But  it  offered  an  opportunity 
for  exploring  unknown  regions,  which  Cham- 
plain  could  not  bring  himself  to  decline."  * 

The  lieutenant-governor,  notwithstanding  his 
previous  failure  to  discover  the  "  North  Sea,"  had 
faith  in  the  existence  of  it,  and  of  its  being  located 
at  not  a  great  distance  to  the  northward  or  north- 
westward of  the  highest  point  of  the  Ottawa  reached 
by  him  in  1 6 1 3 .  But  the  great  unknown  * '  sea ' '  was 
Lake  Superior.  He  had  the  idea,  from  what  the 
savages  had  previously  told  him,  that  the  water  was 
salt;  therefore,  it  must  be  an  ocean  —  the  same  he 
was  so  anxious  to  discover.  But  first  Champlain 
would  help  the  Hurons  and  Algonquins  against 
the  Iroquois ;  then  he  would  go  from  the  country 
of  his  savage  allies  north  until  he  had  reached  this 
"  North  Sea:  "  these  were  the  two  great  objects  he 
had  in  view;  but  the  first  was  the  overshadowing 
one.''  However,  while  he  was  absent  at  Quebec 
making  needful  preparations  for  his  journey, 
the  Hurons  became  impatient  and  departed  for 
their  homes.      With    them   went   Father   Joseph 

'Rev.  'jJdmund  F.  Slafter,  A.  M.,  in  Winsor's  Narrative  and 
Critic  a   History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  pp.  124,  125. 

'  It  was  to  promote  the  settled  policy  of  both  Champlain  and 
I  ontgrav^, —  the  uniting  of  all  the  savage  nations  of  New  France, 
1.  )ossible,  against  the  Iroquois.  See,  in  this  connection,  Park- 
man's  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  pp.  361,  362. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXI'LORATIONS.  3  I 

le  Caron,  accompanied  by  twelve  armed  French- 
men. It  was  the  intention  of  this  missionary  to 
^learn  the  language  of  the  Hurons,  and  labor 
for  their  spiritual  welfare.  His  departure  for  his 
field  of  labor  was  about  the  first  of  July.  On  the 
9th,  Champlain,  with  two  Frenchmen  and  ten 
Indians,  followed  him.  But  who  were  the  two 
Frenchmen?  This  is,  indeed  (as  to  one  of  them), 
an  important  question,  in  its  relation  to  our  narra- 
tive. It  will  now  be  answered.  One  was  Brul6, 
his  trusted  interpreter,  who  was  now  paid  a  salary 
of  one  hundred  pistoles  a  year ;  ^  the  other  was 
only  his  waiting-man  —  his  servant. 

As  we  have  said,  the  three  white  men,  with 
the  ten  Indians  as  their  companions,  embarked 
on  their  perilous  tour  on  July  9th,  161 5.  They 
had  two  canoes,  which  were  heavily  loaded  and 
encumbered  with  clothes;  this  prevented  Cham- 
plain  from  taking  more  men.*^  However,  as 
twelve  Frenchmen  had  already  departed  for 
the  Huron  country  with  Father  Le  Caron,  their 
services  would  be  at  his  command,  though  it  was 

'  Less  than  two  hundred  dollars. 

'"On  the  9th  of  the  month  I  embarked  with  two  others, 
namely,  one  of  our  interpreters  and  my  man,  accompanied  by  ten 
savages  in  the  two  canoes,  these  being  all  they  could  carry,  as 
they  were  heavily  loaded  and  encumbered  with  clothes,  which  pre- 
vented me  from  taking  more  men." — Otis's  translation  of  Cham- 
plain's  Fiya^^j,— Narrative  of  161 5,  in  the  Prince  Society 
Publications,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  iii,  112.  To  the  word  "  interpret- 
ers," in  the  foregoing,  Mr.  Slafter  adds  a  foot-note  in  these 
words:  "This  interpreter  was  undoubtedly  6tienne  Brfil6.  It 
was  a  clearly  defined  policy  of  Champlain  to  send  suitable  young 
men  among  the  savages,  particularly  to  learn  their  language,  and 
subsequently  to  act  as  interpreters.  Brftl6  is  supposed  to  have 
been  of  this  class." 


32  HISTORY   OF  BRULE  S 

not  a  very  pleasant  thought  that  only  four  or  five 
of  them  were  acquainted  with  the  handling  of  fire- 
arms. Their  journey  was  first  by  course  of  the 
Ottawa  river  to  its  junction  with  the  Mattawan, 
where  the  former  comes  down  from  the  north. 
Then  they  would  follow  the  main  stream  no 
longer,  but  would  turn  to  the  left ;  for  a  northerly 
course  would  not  be  in  the  proper  direction,  as  the 
Huron  country  was  rather  towards  the  south.  So 
up  the  Mattawan  they  paddled  their  canoes,  to  a 
point  where  the  savages  were  wont  to  land ;  and 
thence  they  made  their  way  to  Lake  Nipissing, 
which  they  reached  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  the 
month. 

Launching  their  canoes  upon  the  lake,  they  soon 
reached  cabins  of  Nipissing  Indians.  They 
gave  Champlain,  with  his  interpreter,  Brul6, 
and  their  companions,  "  a  very  welcome  recep- 
tion." The  party  tarried  with  them  two  days. 
The  tribe  numbered  ' '  from  seven  to  eight  hundred 
souls,"  who,  as  a  general  thing,  lived  near  the 
lake ;  hence  the  name  of  that  body  of  water.  After 
leaving  these  savages,  with  whom  he  had  feasted 
not  only  on  fish  from  the  lake,  but  on  game  from 
the  forest,  Champlain  "  entered  a  river,  by  which 
this  lake  discharges  itself  ' ' —  now  known  as  French 
river.  Finally,  he  leached  Lake  Huron  —  the 
great  lake  he  had  heard  of  so  often  —  which  he  first 
speaks  of  as  the  lake  of  the  Attigouautans,  that  is, 
the  lake  of  the  Hurons,  but  which,  in  view  of  its 
great  extent,  he  afterward  named  "  Mer  Douce" 
(Fresh  Sea).  This  portion  of  the  lake  has  since 
received  the  name  of  Georgian  bay. 

After  a   while,   as   they  paddled   their   canoes 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  33 

southward,  their  ' '  provisions  began  to  give  out  in 
consequence  of  the  bad  management  of  the  sav- 
ages, who  ate  so  heartily  at  the  beginning  that 
towards  the  end  very  little  was  left, ' '  although  the 
party  had  but  one  meal  a  day.  But  the  ten  In- 
dians proceeded  to  gather  some  squashes  on  shore, 
which  Champlain  says  were  acceptable;  and 
they  did  not  lack  for  berries;  "  otherwise,"  he  de- 
clares, "  we  should  have  been  in  danger  of  being 
reduced  to  straits." 

While  Champlain  was  engaged  in  replenishing 
his  larder,  he  suddenly  came  upon  a  band  of  three 
hundred  Indians.  These  savages,  because  of  the 
peculiar  mode  of  arranging  their  hair,  he  called 
*' Cheveux  Relev^s  " — a  name  afterwards  given 
by  the  French  to  the  Ottawas,  a  kindred  people. 
They  were  of  a  numerous  tribe  inhabiting  the 
region  west  and  southwest  of  Nottawassaga  bay 
of  Lake  Huron.  Entering  into  conversation  with 
one  of  their  chiefs,  Champlain  inquired  in  re- 
gard to  the  extent  of  their  country,  which  the 
savage  pictured,  doubtless  rudely,  on  the  bark  of 
a  tree.* 

Champlain's  course  continued  southward  along 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  Georgian  bay  until  they 
arrived  at  what  is  at  present  called  Matchedash 
bay,  across  which,  in  a  .southwesterly  direction, 
they  urged  their  frail  canoes,  until  the  landing 
was  reached ;  and  they  were  in  the  country  of  the 

'  As  the  Cheveux  Relevds  \/ere  of  Algonquin  lineage,  and  as 
Brul6  had  acquired  the  language  of  the  Algonquins  of  the  Otta- 
wa, Champlain  could  not  have  had  much  difficulty  in  communi- 
cating with  the  savage  chief  mentioned  above,  through  the 
young  Frenchman  —  his  interpreter. 


34  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

Hurons.^  Some  seventeen  or  eighteen  miles' 
travel  inland  brought  them,  on  the  first  day  of 
August,  to  a  Huron  village  called  Otoiiacha.'^ 

Once  among  the  Hurons,  Champlain  found  a 
marked  change  in  the  country.  "  It  was  here 
very  fine,  the  largest  part  being  cleared  up,  and 
many  hills  and  several  rivers  rendering  the  region 
agreeable."  These  localities  seemed  to  the  three 
white  men  very  pleasant  in  comparison  with  the 
disagreeable  region  through  which  they  had  passed 
on  their  journey  hither.  Soon,  three  more  Indian 
villages  were  visited,  till  at  length  Carhagouha, 
an  important  town  of  the  nation,  was  reached.  A 
triple  palisade  of  wood,  thirty-five  feet  high,  served 
as  its  defence.  Here,  Father  Le  Caron  was  found 
and  the  twelve  Frenchmen  who  had  accompanied 
him.  There  were  now,  therefore,  in  the  Huron 
country,  sixteen  white  men.  Mass  was  celebrated 
on  August  1 2th  by  the  R^collet  friar. 

The  grand  object  of  Champlain' s  visit  must  not 
be  lost  sight  of.  It  was  to  aid  the  savage  Hurons 
in  an  expedition  against  an  implacable  foe.  But 
the  Indians  were  slow  in  assembling.  Cham- 
plain, on  August  14th,  with  eight  of  Le  Caron's 
men  and  his  own  two  Frenchmen,  one  of  whom 
of  course  was  Brul6,  started  for  Cahiagu6,  the 
chief  of  the  Huron  villages,  where  the  war- 
riors were  to  rendezvous.  In  three  days,  three 
Indian    towns    were    visited;  when,  on  the   17th, 

•  There  were  four  tribes  of  the  Huron  nation  —  the  Bear,  the 
Wolf,  the  Hawk,  and  the  Heron.  The  first-mentioned  ("Atti- 
gouautan  ")  was  the  principal  one.  The  four  were  not  nations 
forming  a  confederacy,  as  generally  supposed. 

'Synonyms:  Toanch6,  Toanchen,  Toanchain,  Toachim,  Tean- 
deoniat,  Otoucha. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  35 

they  arrived  at  the  point  of  destination.  Cahi- 
Sigu6  contained  two  hundred  large  cabins.  The 
white  men  were  * '  received  with  great  joy  and 
gladness  by  all  the  savages  of  the  country,"  says 
Champlain.  For  when  the  Hurons  who  were 
upon  the  St.  Lawrence  left  that  river  for  their 
homes,  after  waiting  some  time  for  his  return  to 
them  to  go  with  them  as  he  had  promised,  it  was 
the  belief  of  many  he  was  dead  or  that  the  Iroquois 
had  captured  him.  It  was  this  that  now  caused 
the  delay  in  the  expedition;  as  the  savages  had 
postponed  the  undertaking  for  one  year.  However, 
the  actual  presence  of  the  white  men,  though  but 
eleven  in  number,  caused  a  quick  rallying  of  war- 
riors —  they  swarmed  in  from  every  quarter. 

The  greater  portion  of  the  savages  having  as- 
sembled, Champlain  set  out  from  Cahiagu^  on  the 
first  day  of  September  and  passed  along  the  shore 
of  a  small  lake  —  Couchiching  —  into  which  flow 
by  a  small  stream  the  waters  of  Lake  Simcoe. 
Here  a  rest  was  taken  until  all  the  Hurons  who 
were  to  go  upon  the  expedition  had  got  together, 
when,  '•  shouldering  their  canoes  and  scanty  bag- 
gage, the  naked  host  set  forth,"  ^  accompanied  by 
Champlain,  his  waiting-man  (but  not  by  his  inter- 
preter), and  by  eight  of  the  Frenchmen  who  had 
journeyed  to  the  Huron  country  with  Le  Caron. 
But  why  not  by  his  interpreter  ?— Where  was  the 
intrepid  Brul6?  —  a  question  soon  to  be  answered. 
But  what  shall  we  say  of  the  enemy  against  whom 
Champlain  had  now  taken  up  his  line  of  march  ? 

•Hown^any  actually  marched  is  unknown;  but  it  seems  alto- 
gether certain  the  number  was  much  less  than  what  had  been 
promised  Champlain. 


36  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

and  what  of  the  country  which  they  then  inhab- 
ited? 

The  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas 
and  Senecas  (as  these  nations  were  afterward  known 
to  the  English)  occupied,  in  1615,  the  central  por- 
tion of  what  is  now  the  State  of  New  York.  They 
were  the  Iroquois  —  Five  Nations  —  already  men- 
tioned. The  Onondagas,  at  the  time  of  Cham- 
plain's  visit  to  the  Hurons,  were  known  by  the 
latter  as  Entouhonorons.'  They  lived  in  fifteen 
towns  built  in  strong  situations,  and  along  with 
the  four  other  nations  just  mentioned  were  ene- 
mies of  all  surrounding  ones  (except  the  "  Neu- 
trals," who  resided  to  the  westward  of  the  Iro- 
quois), including,  among  these,  the  nations  of 
which  were  the  bands  now  on  the  war-path  with 
Champlain.  The  country  of  the  Onondagas  is 
mentioned  by  Champlain  as  a  fine  one,  with  a  good 
climate.  They  tilled  the  soil,  and,  with  the  other 
four  nations,  spoke  a  language  radically  the  same 
as  that  of  the  Hurons.  But  Champlain  recognized 
as  Iroquois  only  the  most  easterly  of  the  Five 
Nations ;  for  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  extent  of 
the  league  —  knowing  only  that  those  whom  he 
designated  as  Iroquois  (that  is,  the  Mohawks)  united 
with  the  Entouhonorons  (Onondagas)  and  Senecas, 
in  making  war  on  surrounding  nations. 

'  Whenever  Champlain  speaks  of  this  nation  in  the  text  of 
any  of  the  editions  of  his  works  he  invariably  calls  them  the 
Entouhonorons. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

AID  OFFERED  TO  THE  HURONS  BY  THE  CARANTOU- 
ANNAIS  FROM  THE  UPPER  SUSQUEHANNA. —  CHAM- 
PLAIN,  WITH  HURONS  AND  ALGONQUINS,  REACH- 
ES  AN  ONONDAGA   STRONGHOLD  AND  INVESTS   IT. 

There  dwelt,  at  this  period,  three  good  days' 
journey  to  the  southward  of  the  Entouhonorons 
(Onondagas),  which  nation  Champlain  and  his  Hu- 
rons  were  on  the  march  to  attack,  a  nation,  already 
mentioned,  known  to  the  latter  as  Carantouannais.^ 
These  Indians  were  very  warlike ;  and,  although 
they  had  but  three  villages,  which  were  in  the 
midst  of  more  than  twenty  other  unfriendly  ones, 
on  which  they  made  war,  they  maintained  their 
ground  because  of  their  prowess.^  They  had  for 
their  allies  the  Hurons.  Carantouan,  their  princi- 
pal town,^  was  sometimes  visited  by  ambassadors 

'  As  to  the  signification  of  the  name  ' '  Carantouannais, ' '  see 
Appendix,  Note  V. 

'^  The  information  as  to  the  Carantouannais  having  ' '  but  three 
villages,  Which  were  in  the  midst  of  more  than  twenty  other  un- 
friendly ones, ' '  is  from  Champlain.  But  this  needs  an  explana- 
tion. While  the  Carantouannais  proper  had  but  that  many 
towns,  friendly  tribes  to  the  southward  were  very  numerous. 
From  Champlain's  standpoint  it  seemed  that  they  were  sur- 
rounded by  the  hostile  Iroquois,  who  had  numerous  villages; 
whereas  the  latter  were  all  to  the  northeast,  to  the  northward,  or 
northwestward;  and  none  of  these  towns  were  probably  nearer 
than  eighty  or  ninety  miles  from  the  most  northerly  of  those  in- 
habited by  the  Carantouannais. 

Hn  the  edition  of  1619  of  Champlain's  Voyages,  the  chief 
town  of  the  Carantouannais  is  mentioned  as  Carantouan,  but  in 
the  Narrative  of  his  Expedition  of  161 5,  given  therein,  the 
village  is  not  spoken  of. 


38  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

of  the  nation  last  named,  and  the  Carantouannais 
repaid  the  compliment  by  occasionally  sending  del- 
egates to  the  homes  of  the  Hurons.  It  is  indeed 
certain  that  their  forces  had  in  previous  years  been 
united  occasionally  against  the  common  enemy  — 
the  Iroquois.  The  language  of  the  one  was  in 
many  of  its  words  either  the  same  or  similar  to  that 
of  the  other;  both  used  Iroquois  dialects.*  Cham- 
plain  declares  the  Carantouannais  lived  in  a  very 
fine  country ;  and  that  the  nation  was  securely  quar- 
tered there,  notwithstanding  they  were  at  war  with 
the  Entouhonorons  (Onondagas).^ 

Now,  it  is  evident  from  the  distauces  gfiven,  that 
the  country  of  the  Carantouannais  was  upon  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  not  far 
away  from  the  line  which  now  separates  the  State 
of  New  York  from  Pennsylvania.  Carantouan 
was  a  palisaded  town  with  a  population  of  eight 
hundred  warriors, —  about  four  thousand  souls. 
The  dwellings  and  defences  were  like  those  of  the 
Hurons.^ 

1  Compare  Prof.  A.  L.  Guss's  article  entitled  "  Early  Indian 
History  of  the  Susquehanna,"  published  in  the  Historical  Regis- 
ter, vol.  I  (January,  1883),  pp.  40,  43. 

a "  Carantouanis  [Carantouannais].  This  is  a  tribe  that  has 
moved  to  the  south  of  the  Antouhonorons  [Entouhonorons]  and 
dwells  in  a  very  fine  country,  where  it  is  securely  quartered. 
They  are  friends  of  all  the  other  tribes,  except  the  above  named 
Antouhonorons,  from  whom  they  are  only  three  days'  journey 
distant."  —  Index  to  Champlain's  Map  «/"  1632  (see  Publica- 
tions of  the  Prince  Society — Champlain's  ''Voyages,"  vol.  I, 
p.  304).  On  the  map  (same  vol.  and  p.),  the  Entouhonorons  are 
mentioned  as  Antouoronons.  But,  as  Champlain  previously  ex- 
plains (which  fact  is  overlooked  in  the  Index  to  the  map),  the 
Carantouannais  were  not  friends  to  all  the  other  tribes  except 
the  Entouhonorons  (Onondagas). 

'  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  site  of  Carantouan  was  at  or 
near  that  of  the  present  Waverly,  Tioga    county.  New  York. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  39 

To  a  just  understanding  of  the  location  of  the 
Carantouannais,  and  the  difficulty  they  had  to 
encounter  in  conferring  with  their  Huron  allies,  it 
is  necessary  to  make  mention  of  the  situation 
of  each  of  the  five  Indian  nations  located  to  the 
northeastward,  to  the  northward,  and  to  the  north- 
westward of  them,  and  which  were  their  enemies. 

The  most  easterly  of  the  Iroquois  were  the  Mo- 
hawks; and  it  was  this  tribe  that,  in  1609,  was 
attacked  by  Champlain  on  the  western  shore  of  the 
lake  which  bears  his  name.  Immediately  to  the 
westward  of  them  were  the  Oneidas,  whose  terri- 
tory extended  from  a  point  below  what  is  now 
Utica,  Oneida  county,  in  the  present  State  of  New 
York,  to  Deep  Spring,  near  Manlius,  Onondaga 
county.  Then  came  the  Onondagas,  whose  coun- 
try reached  west  of  the  Oneidas  to  a  line  between 
Cross  and  Otter  lakes.  Beyond  the  nation  last 
mentioned  were  the  Cayugas,  whose  villages  were 
on  Cayuga  lake.  Still  farther  to  the  westward 
were  the  Senecas ;  their  territory  reached  to  the 
Genesee  river, —  these  Indians  being  known  to 
the  Hurons  in  161 5  as  the  Chouontouaroiion ;  ^ 
and  Champlain  mentions  that  the  Hurons  —  the 
allies  of  the  Carantouannais  —  would  have  to  pass 
through  their  country,  or  else  make  a  very  long 

Waverly  is  located  on  Cayuta  creek,  which  rises  in  Schuyler 
county,  that  State,  in  a  small  lake  of  its  own.  It  runs  first  south- 
eastward, drains  parts  of  Chemung  and  Tioga  counties,  and 
enters  the  Susquehanna  river  in  Pennsylvania  two  or  three  miles 
above  Athens.  Waverly  is  a  post  village  in  Barton  township, 
Tioga  county,  and  is  eighteen  miles  east-southeast  of  Elraira, 
nineteen  miles  west-southwest  of  Owego,  and  four  miles  north  of 
Athens,  Bradford  county,  Pennsylvania. 

'  See  Appendix,  Note  VI. 


40  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

circuit  ("  grand  detour,"  as  Champlain  expresses 
it),  in  visiting  the  Carantouannais.^  The  Senecas, 
when  first  visited  by  white  people,  were  the  most 
populous  of  the  Five  Nations.  And  Champlain 
declares  the  Chouontouaroiion  were  numerous. 

Upon  Champlain's  arrival  at  Cahiagu6  and  before 
his  starting  upon  the  war-path  with  his  Indian 
allies  against  the  Onondagas,  he  learned  what  was 
of  great  interest  to  him,  that  there  was  a  prospect 
of  help  in  their  proposed  expedition  which  was 
wholly  unexpected.  It  came  from  the  Carantou- 
ann-is.  It  is  believed  these  Indians  had  knowl- 
edge of  the  journeying  of  the  Hurons  to  the  St. 
Lawrence  for  the  purpose  of  trade  and  of  their  in- 
tended proposal  to  Champlain  to  engage  him  if 
possible  to  assist  them  against  the  Onondagas ;  and 
it  is  certain  that,  being  willing  to  aid  the  under- 
taking themselves,  they  had  sent  word  to  their 
allies  informing  them  of  their  desire  to  help  them 
in  the  campaign  with  a  force  of  five  hundred  ' '  good 
men."  It  is  not  a  matter  of  wonder  that  such 
an  offer  should  have  been  made,  as  the  Iroquois, 
it  was  well  known  to  the  Hurons,  also  made  war 
upon  these  their  allies.     It  was  also  a  part  of  the 

'  The  Chouontouaroiion,  that  is,  the  Senecas,  are  described  in 
the  ^Qsaxi  Relation  for  1648  (Quebec  ed.,  pp.  46-48)  as  living 
between  the  Hurons  of  Canada  and  the  Carantouannais.  This 
corresponds  with  what  Champlain  says  (see  Laverdiere's  Cham- 
plain, vol.  I,  p.  522):  "In  going  from  one  [the  Hurons]  to  the 
other  [the  Carantouannais],  a  grand  detour  is  necessary,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  Chouontouaroiion,  which  is  a  very  strong  nation." 
(See  Appendix  to  our  narrative.  Note  VI ;  and  as  to  this  "  grand 
detour,"  Note  XII.  This  then  well  known  and  much  traveled 
Indian  route  is  marked  on  Champlain's  map  of  1632  by  a  dotted 
line  reaching  from  Lake  Erie  —  which  lake  is  but  vaguely  in- 
dicated—  to  the  Susquehanna.) 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  4I 

information  received  that  the  Carantouannais 
wished  to  see  the  French  and  give  expression  to 
the  pleasure  they  would  have  in  making  their  ac- 
quaintance, and  to  form  an  alliance  and  establish 
a  friendship  with  them,  that  they  might  engage  in 
the  war  together.  This  was  particularly  gratify- 
ing to  Champlain,  as  he  saw  in  the  offer  of  these 
savages,  as  he  hoped,  an  opportunity  to  learn 
something  of  their  country. 

It  was  not  until  Champlain  finally  gave  his  con- 
sent late  in  the  previous  June  to  the  assembled 
Hurons  upon  the  St.  Lawrence  that  he  would  join 
them  in  an  expedition  against  the  Iroquois,  that 
any  word  could  have  been  dispatched  to  the  Caran- 
touannais of  the  fact.  As  the  news  must  have 
gone,  if  at  all,  by  way  of  the  Huron  country  to 
them,  it  is  certain  that  there  was  not  time  for 
such  a  message  to  have  been  sent  them  and  an 
answer  returned  to  Cahiagu^  before  the  seven- 
teenth of  the  following  August  —  the  date  of 
Champlain 's  arrival.  Double  the  time  would  at 
least  have  been  required.  The  proposition  then 
from  the  Carantouannais  was  to  assist  the  Hurons, 
whether  the  latter  were  aided  by  Champlain  or 
not. 

Besides  their  proffered  aid,  the  Carantouannais 
sent  information  that  greatly  interested  Champlain. 
He  learned  that  Carantouan  was  only  seven  days* 
journey  from  where  the  Dutch  ("  Flamens")  went 
to  traffic  with  Indians,  at  "  Fort  Nassau,"  near 
the  present  city  of  Albany,  New  York.  "  The 
savages  there,"  says  the  lieutenant-governor, 
"assisted  by  the  Dutch,  make  war  upon  them 
[the   Carantouannais],    take   them    prisoners  and 


42  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

cruelly  put  them  to  death."  *  This  fact  was  not 
only  made  known  to  the  Hurons,  but  they  were 
informed  also  that,  the  preceding  year  (1614), 
the  Carantouannais  captured  three  of  those  white 
people  who  were  assisting  their  enemies;  and 
while  in  action  one  of  the  Carantouannais  was 
killed.  Nevertheless,  they  did  not  fail  to  send 
back  the  three  Dutch  prisoners  without  doing  them 
any  harm,  supposing  that  they  belonged  to  the 
whites  who  were  assisting  the  Hurons,  since  they 
had  no  knowledge  of  the  French  except  by  hear- 
say,—  they  never  having  seen  a  Christian ;  other- 
wise, they  said  the  three  prisoners  would  not  have 
got  off  so  well.  If  others  should  be  taken,  they 
would  not  be  returned  to  their  friends.*^ 

No  action,  as  already  intimated,  was  immedi- 
ately taken  by  the  Hurons  concerning  the  proposi- 
tion of  the  Carantouannais.  It  would  be  time 
enough  when  they  could  feel  assured  that  the  ex- 
pedition would  be  undertaken;  so,  when  all  the 
bands  had  arrived  below  the  outlet  of  Lake  Sim- 
coe,  then  it  was  tnat  a  consultation  was  had  for  the 
selection  of  a  few  of  the  warriors  to  carry  advice 
to  the  Carantouannais  of  the  departure  of  the  Hu- 

'  Champlain  puts  the  place  "  Fort  Nassau  "  on  the  40th  parallel 
of  latitude ;  but  in  this  he  was  in  error,  he  supposing  the  Indians 
who  were  assisted  by  the  Dutch  were  of  those  living  near  Manhat- 
tan island,  which  he  placed  in  that  latitude  (see  his  Map  of  1632). 

"  Champlain's  Voyages  (ed.  of  1619),  in  the  Narrative  of  his 
Expedition  of  161 5. 

In  the  Index  to  Champlain's  Map  of  1632,  it  is  said  that  once 
they  [the  Carantouannais]  took  as  prisoners  some  Flemish 
[Dutch],  but  sent  them  back  again  without  doing  their  any  harm, 
supposing  that  they  were  French.  This  is  but  a  repetition  of 
Champlain's  declaration,  mentioned  above,  as  to  the  capture  of 
three  "Flamens."  


DISCOVERIES     .ND   EXPLORATIONS.  43 

rons,  that  they  might  join  the  latter  and  together 
attack  the  enemy's  stronghold.  The  result  of  the 
deliberation  was  that  there  should  be  despatched 
two  canoes,  with  twelve  of  their  most  robust  war- 
riors, to  their  allies,  to  inform  them  that  their  prop- 
osition was  accepted,  and  that  they  would  be  ex- 
pected at  a  place  selected  as  the  rendezvous,  on  a 
certain  day  —  the  eleventh  of  October.  One  of 
Champlain's  white  companions  solicited  the  privi- 
lege of  going  along  with  the  Huron  party.  Cham- 
plain  willingly  permitted  him,  as  he  would  see  the 
country  of  the  Carantouannais  by  that  means,  and 
acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  people  who  inhabited 
it.  The  danger  was  not  trifling,  inasmuch  as  they 
had  to  pass  through  the  country  of  their  enemies, 
the  Chouontouaroiion ;  that  is,  the  Senecas.  The 
white  man  thus  permitted  to  go  was  Champlain's 
own  interpreter  —  Brul6.^ 

We  now  see  why  it  was  that  Brul6  did  not  ac- 
company the  few  white  men  and  the  Huron  war- 
riors farther  on  their  expedition.  It  gladdened 
the  heart  of  Champlain,  as  his  words  clearly  show, 
to  find  an  opportunity  for  gratifying  a  desire  of 
obtaining  information  of  a  region  so  wholly  un- 
known to  him.*^ 

Let  us  now  follow  Champlain  and  his  nine  white 

'  Evidently  it  was  that  he  (Champlain)  believed  by  consenting 
to  let  his  interpreter  go  with  the  twelve  Hurons  much  might  be 
learned  of  a  country  not  before  explored.  This,  it  is  clear,  was 
his  principal  reason. 

''Champlain,  in  his  Narrative  of  1618,  changes  his  reasons 
given  in  that  of  161 5  for  permitting  Brul6  to  accompany  the 
twelve  Hurons  to  the  Carantouannais;  but,  in  so  doing,  it  is  evi- 
dent his  memory  was  at  fault ;  finally,  however,  he  recovers  his 
lost  ground  somewhat  by  saying  that  Bruld  left  him  to  engage 
in  the  explorations  which  he  (Brul6)  subsequently  made. 


44  HISTORY   OF   BRUL6'S 

men  and  the  savages  with  whom  they  marched 
(consisting  mostly  of  Hurons,  but  with  them  were 
some  Nipissings  and  Algonquins)'  on  the  war-path 
from  the  outlet  of  Lake  Simcoe  to  the  village  of 
the  Onondagas  —  the  objective  point  of  the  expe- 
dition. 

Coasting  along  the  northeast  shore  of  the  lake 
just  mentioned,  the  savage  warriors  and  French- 
men, after  a  journey  of  five  or  six  leagues,  reached 
a  point  nearest  to  Sturgeon  lake.  After  carrying 
their  canoes  some  ten  leagues,  the  Indians,  with 
Champlain  and  his  few  white  companions,  reached 
the  body  of  water  last  spoken  of,  out  of  which 
flows  what  is  now  known  above  Rice  lake  as  the 
Otonabee  river,  but  below  as  the  Trent,  which 
discharges  into  Lake  Ontario ;  so  that,  from  Stur- 
geon lake  their  course  was  a  continuous  water 
route  to  "  the  great  lake  of  the  Entouhonorons," 
as  the  Hurons  called  Lake  Ontario,  meaning  there- 
by, of  course,  "  the  lake  of  the  Onondagas." 

Champlain  and  his  dusky  host  had  proceeded 
thus  far  by  short  days'  journeys,  constantly  hunt- 
ing as  they  progressed.  At  the  eastern  extremity 
of  Lake  Ontario,  which  is  the  entrance  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  the  traverse  was  made, —  large,  beautiful 
islands  being  especially  noted.  About  fourteen 
leagues  were  made  in  passing  to  the  eastern  side 
of  the  lake  towards  the  territory  of  the  enemy. 
The  savages  now  concealed  all  their  canoes  in 
the  woods  near  the  shore.     The  whole  force  then 

1  Champlain  had  already  distinguished  between  the  Indians  of 
Lake  Nipissing  and  those  upon  the  Ottawa  below,  calling  the 
former  Nipissings  and  the  latter  Algonquins.  Of  the  last  men- 
tioned who  went  with  him,  was  the  chief  Iroquet  already  spok- 
en of . 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  45 

moved  some  four  leagues  over  a  sandy  strand, 
where  Champlain  observed  a  very  pleasant  and 
beautiful  country,  intersected  by  many  little 
streams  and  two  small  rivers,  which  empty  into 
Lake  Ontario;  also  many  ponds  and  meadows, 
where  there  was  an  endless  amount  of  game,  many 
vines,  fine  woods,  and  a  large  number  of  chestnut 
trees,  whose  fruit  was  still  in  the  burr.  The  chest- 
nuts were  small,  he  declares,  but  of  good  flavor. 

After  leaving  the  border  of  the  lake,  the  Hurons 
and  white  men  continued  their  course  by  land  for 
' '  about  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues. "  In  the  space 
of  four  days,  many  brooks  were  crossed,  including 
also  a  river  which  proceeded  from  a  lake, —  its 
waters  finally  emptying  into  Lake  Ontario.  It  is 
altogether  certain  that  this  was  what  is  now  known 
as  Oneida  river,  and  that  the  crossing  was  at  the 
outlet  of  Oneida  lake ;  for  Champlain  describes  it 
as  near  a  lake,  which  is  "twenty-five  or  thirty 
leagues  in  circuit,"  and  which  contains  some  fine 
islands,  and  is  the  place  where  our  enemies,  the 
Iroquois,  catch  their  fish,  in  which  it  abounds. 
Now,  the  Oneida  is  the  only  lake  in  this  region 
containing  any  islands.  The  outlet  of  the  lake  is 
frequently  indicated  in  early  maps ;  —  it  was  known 
to  many  early  explorers  as  "  the  great  fishery." 

Having  crossed  the  Oneida  river,  the  invad- 
ing savages,  on  October  9th,  sent  out  a  recon- 
noitering  force, ^  which,  when  distant  some  four 
(French)  leagues  (about  ten  miles)  from  the  ene- 

'  The  language  of  Champlain  as  to  this  reconnoitering  of  the 
savages  is  vague.  It  would  imply,  if  taken  literally,  that  all  of 
the  Indians  went  out,  lepviag  the  Frenchmen  behind.  But  this, 
certainly,  would  not  hpve  bepti  done.     — — ^^       - 


46  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

my's  village,  came  upon  a  party  of  their  foes,  con- 
sisting of  four  women,  three  boys,  one  girl,  and 
three  men,  who  were  going  fishing.^  These  were, 
of  course,  easily  captured.  As  a  prelude  to  a  gen- 
eral sacrifice  of  the  prisoners,  a  finger  of  one  of 
the  squaws  was  cut  off;  but,  at  the  earnest  inter- 
ference of  Champlain,  all  were  saved  except  the 
men,  who  were  promptly  tortured  to  death. ^  On 
the  next  day,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the 
whole  force  arrived  before  the  Onondaga  town. 

The  territory  of  the  Onondagas,  in  1615,  was 
the  most  favorable  for  an  invasion  by  the  Hurons 
of  any  occupied  by  the  Iroquois ;  and  of  this  fact 
the  latter  were  well  advised.  They  were  march- 
ing in  such  force  as  evidently  justified  an  attack 
upon  a  large  village  of  the  enemy.  It  may,  there- 
fore, be  assumed  that  the  point  aimed  at  was  not 
an  inferior  town,  but  one  of  the  strongholds  of 
the  nation.  It  is  only  known  with  absolute  cer- 
tainty that  it  was  situated  on  or  near  some  one  of 
the  lakes,  ponds,  or  streams  whose  waters  find  an 
outlet  into  Lake  Ontario  through  the  Oswego  riv- 
er, and  not  far  away,  either  above  or  below,  the 
latitude  of  the  present  city  of  Syracuse,  and  be- 
tween the  longitude  of  the  east  end  of  the  Oneida 
lake  and  that  of  the  west  side  of  Lake  Onondaga.^ 

•  A  misapprehension  by  some  writers  of  the  language  of  Cham- 
plain  concerning  the  "four  leagues"  —  about  ten  miles  —  has 
caused  much  confusion  in  their  investigations.  It  is  not  that 
the  "  great  fishery  "  was  four  leagues  from  the  objective  point  of 
the  expedition,  but  the  prisoners  were  captured  at  that  distance 
from  it.     (See  Appendix,  Note  VII.) 

'The  chief  Iroquet,  who,  although  an  Algonquin,  seems  to 
have  been  the  most  prominent  leader  of  the  savages,  coolly  told 
Champlain  that  he  would  spare  the  women,  but  the  men  should 
be  tortured  according  to  their  custom. 

^  See  Appendix,  Note  VII. 


CHAPTER  V. 
brul6,  with  twelve  hurons,  goes  to  the  ca- 

RANTOUANNAIS. —  CHAMPLAIN'S  ATTACK  ON  THE 
ONONDAGA  VILLAGE  AND  ITS  FAILURE. —  RETURN 
OF  THE  ASSAILANTS. —  MARCH  OF  THE  CARAN- 
TOUANNAIS,  WITH  BRUL!^,  TO  ASSIST  THE  HU- 
RONS.— THEIR   RETURN   TO   CARANTOUAN. 

It  was  on  September  8th,  1615,  that  Brul^ 
and  his  twelve  dusky  companions  started  for 
Carantouan.^  It  was  the  interpreter's  restless 
spirit  and  ardent  love  of  adventure  that  prompted 
him  to  ask  permission  to  form  one  of  the  party. 
The  possibility  (nay,  probability)  of  meeting 
savage  enemies  did  not  deter  him.  The  pros- 
pects of  suffering  in  any  way,  he  did  not  brood 
over.  He  had  that  fearless  nature  which  took  no 
account  of  obstacles,  however  threatening  they 
might  appear.     Savage  life  had  positive  pleasures 

'  Champlain  asserts  subsequently  (that  is,  in  his  Narrative  of 
1618)  that  Brule,  after  having  taken  leave  of  'iim  to  go  on  his 
journey  and  execute  his  commission,  set  out  with  the  twelve  sav- 
ages whom  he  had  given  him  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the 
way  and  to  serve  as  an  escort  on  account  of  the  dangers  which 
he  might  have  to  encounter.  But,  in  all  this,  his  memory  was 
sadly  at  fault. 

"  At  this  point  they  despatched  twelve  of  the  most  stalwart  sav- 
ages, with  the  interpreter,  6tienne  Brul6,  on  a  dangerous  jour- 
ney to  a  distant  tribe  dwelling  on  the  west  [south]  of  the  Five 
Nations,  to  urge  them  to  hasten  to  the  fort  of  the  Iroquois,  as 
they  had  already  received  word  from  them  that  they  would  join 
tliem  in  this  campaign." — E.  F.  Slafter:  Memoir  of  Samuel  de 
Champlain,  in  Prince  Society  Publications  of  Champlain's 
''Voyages,"  vol.  I,  p.  128. 


48  HISTORY   OF   BRULE  S 

for  him,  and  its  perils  only  intensified  his  liking 
for  it. 

It  is  not  asserted  by  Champlain  that  Brul6  was 
armed  and  equipped  for  his  journey  as  were  the 
white  men  who  were  with  the  Huron  warriors ;  on 
the  contrary,  it  is  reasonably  certain  that  he  had 
nothing  but  the  simple  means  of  defense  possessed 
by  his  savage  companions.  Their  route  was  not 
what  would  lead  them  eastward  through  the  small 
lakes  and  down  the  river  Trent  to  the  foot  of  Lake 
Ontario  and  across  to  the  southeast  shore  of  that 
body  of  water  —  thence  through  the  very  center  of 
the  Iroquois  territory  to  the  homes  of  the  Carantou- 
annais ;  such  a  course  would  have  been  far  too  dan- 
gerous.^ They  must,  therefore,  go  southward, 
carrying  their  two  frail  bark  canoes  for  transporta- 
tion on  water-courses  necessary  to  follow  or  to  cross, 
until  Lake  Ontario  was  reached.  There  were  two 
streams,  one  from  the  southward  emptying  into 
Lake  Simcoe,  another,  the  Humber,  from  the 
northward  flowing  into  Lake  Ontario,  which  were 
to  be  their  highway  of  travel,  there  being  a  short 
portage  from  one  to  the  other,  across  which  the 
two  canoes  could  easily  be  carried.  It  was  not  a 
long  journey  to  the  lake  and  the  route  was  well 
known  to  the  Hurons.  Afterwards,  it  was  fre- 
quently traveled  in  going  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  the 
journey  occupying  but  ten  days,  thus  avoiding  the 
numerous  obstacles  of  the  Ottawa.  Even  as  early 
as  1632  it  was  recorded  by  a  French  writer,  who 

'Parkman  {Pioneers,  p.  377)  says,  in  a  general  way,  that 
Brul6  c-ossed  Lake  Ontario ;  but  he  is  led  to  say  this  only  by  ob- 
serving that  the  Carantouannais  lived  to  the  southeastward  of  it, 
while  Brul6  was  then  to  the  northwestward, —  not  from  any  au- 
thority that  the  latter  actually  paddled  his  canoe  across  the  lake. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  49 

was  then  among  the  Hurons,  that  the  latter  as- 
sured him  "it  was  onJv  +-^1  days'  journey  "by 
way  of  Lake  Ontario  "  \  o  ih  "i  trading-place  ' '  on 
the  St.  Lawrence.  Before  1670,  the  course  along 
the  north  shore  f  Lake  Ontario  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Humber,  thence  up  that  river  and  across  to 
Lake  Simcoe,  thence  down  the  Severn  to  the 
Georgian  bay,  was  a  well-traveled  one.^ 

Had  Brul6  journeyed  along  the  usual  land-route 
by  way  of  the  Neutral  villages,  hereafter  to  be 
mentioned,  it  would  have  taken  him  abou^  ten 
days  to  have  reached  the  Niagara  river, —  passing 
first  out  of  the  present  county  of  Simcoe,  then 
through  what  are  now  the  counties  of  Duflerin, 
Peel,  Halton,  Wentworth  and  Lincoln.  But  the 
route  he  actually  traveled  only  occupied  him  and 
his  twelve  savages  a  little  over  half  the  time 
which  the  other  course  would  have  necessitated, 
—  going,  after  leaving  Simcoe,  through  York 
county  to  the  lake;  thence  along  its  shores  in 
Peel,  Halton,  Wentworth  and  Lincoln,  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Niagara. 

That  Brule  and  the  twelve  Huron  savages  took 
their  way  first  towards  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario 
instead  of  going  towards  its  outlet,  it  is  evident 
was  to  save  time  and,  in  the  end,  not  to  pursue 
the  dangerous  route  —  one  wholly  impracticable, 
in  fact, —  through  the  heart  of  the  Iroquois  country. 
At  the  mouth  of  the  Humber,  Brul^  first  saw  On- 

'  Writing  of  the  year  1670,  Parkman  says:  "  The  Jesuits  and 
fur-traders,  on  their  way  to  the  Upper  Lakes,  had  followed  the 
route  of  the  Ottawa,  or,  more  recently,  that  of  Toronto  and  the 
Georgian  bay  "  {La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West, 
ed.  of  1880,  p.  19).  And,  in  1680,  La  Salle  took  the  same  route 
in  going  to  the  Illinois  (Id.,  p.  189). 


50  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

tario's  broad  expanse.  Its  existence  had,  as  already 
intimated,  been  made  known  to  the  civilized  world, 
but  the  intrepid  interpreter  was  the  first  white 
man  to  reach  its  shores.  Coasting  along  the  lake, 
probably,  the  party  soon  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Niagara.^  The  river,  it  is  to  be  inferred,  was  not 
followed  by  them  up  to  the  great  cataract  f  and 
it  is  doubtful  if  Brul6  obtained  any  particular 
knowledge  of  the  Attiwandarons  (or  Neutrals),^ 
or  of  Lake  Erie  ;■*  neither  is  it  likely  that  he  visited 
the  Eries  ("Cat  nation"),  the  homes  of  which 
were  south  of  that  body  of  water.'* 

After  leaving  the  Niagara  river,  an  easterly 
course  must  be  taken  to  Carantouan ;  this  would 
necessitate,  in  order  to  save  time,  leaving  some 
outlying  Neutral  villages  to  the  south,  which, 
naturally  enough,  Brul6  and  his  Hurons  would  not 
care  to  visit,  and  then  proceeding  onward  for  two 
or  three  days  until  the  Seneca  territory  was 
reached.  Now  the  Senecas  were  arch  enemies  of 
the  Hurons ;  and  a  direct  line  from  the  mouth  of 

'  See  Appendix,  Note  IX. 

'The  falls  are  noted  on  Champlains  map  of  1632;  but  it 
seems  certain  the  intrepid  Frenchman  did  not  see  the  cataract, 
or  it  would  have  been  very  diflFerently  spoken  of  in  the  Index 
to  that  map.     (See  Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  VIII.) 

5  The  Neutral  nation  (so  called  because  of  their  observing  a 
neutral  policy  as  to  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois)  had  four  or  five 
villages  east  of  the  Niagara  river,  one  of  which  was  only  a  day's 
journey  from  the  home  of  the  Senecas.  (See  Appendix,  Note 
XIX.) 

*  Lake  Erie  would  unquestionably  have  otherwise  appeared  on 
Champlain's  map  of  1632  had  Brul6  reached  its  shores.  (See 
Appendix,  Note  X.) 

* ' '  The  Eries  who  dwelt  to  the  south  and  east  of  Lake  Erie 
were  called  by  the  early  French  the  Nation  of  the  Cat,  from  the 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  §1 

the  Niagara  river  to  Carantouan  would  lead 
through  their  settlements.  There  was  no  alter- 
native, therefore,  for  Brul^  and  his  twelve  Hurons, 
but  to  take  a  course  near  their  villages,  as  they 
must  avoid,  for  want  of  time,  the  wide  circuit — 
the  ' '  grand  detour ' ' —  usually  made  to  the  west- 
ward, to  the  southwestward,  and  to  the  south  of 
the  Seneca  country.^  In  any  event,  they  must 
expose  themselves  to  danger;  but  to  make  it  as 
little  as  possible,  after  having  determined  not  to 
go  far  out  of  the  way,  they  must  pursue  a  less 
direct  route  [than  ]they  would  otherwise  follow  if 
peace  existed  between  the  Senecas  and  Carantou- 
annais.  Crossing  the  Niagara  river  into  what  is 
now  Western  New  York,  in  the  present  county 
of  Niagara,  the  journey  was  doubtless  pursued 
through  what  are  now  the  counties  of  Erie,  Gen- 
esee, Wyoming,  Livingston,  Steuben  and  Che- 
mung, into  Tioga, —  "  through  thick  and  [almost] 
impenetrable  forests,  wood  and  brush,  marshy 
bogs,  frightful  and  unfrequented  places  and 
wastes."  But  with  all  their  care — in  spite  of  all 
their  caution  —  while  crossing  an  open  spot  —  prob- 

large  number  of  wild-cats  or  lynxes  that  filled  their  forests.  The 
Iroquois  called  tht  Neutrals  the  '  Cats,'  for  the  same  reason.  No 
mission  was  ever  opened  among  this  tribe  [the  Eries].  It  is  not 
probable  that  they  were  ever  visited  by  a  white  man,  unless 
fitienne  Brul6,  Champlain's  interpreter,  went  among  them  in 
1615," — Harris,  in  Earfy  Missz'ons  in  Western  Canada, '^.  242«. 
That  Brul6  did  not  visit  the  Eries  seems  altogether  certain  for 
these  reasons:  (i)  Champlain  has  no  account  of  them  in  his  Voy- 
ages (ed.  of  1619) ;  (2)  Brul6  had  no  time  to  spare  in  going  to  the 
Carantouannais ;  and  (3)  the  Eries  had  only  a  nominal  occupa- 
tion of  the  country  east  of  Lake  Erie.  Their  villages  were  south 
of  that  lake  (see  Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  XI). 

'  See  Appendix,  Note  XII. 


52  HISTORY    OF   BRUL^'S 

ably  a  dried-iip  marsh  —  they  "  encountered  some 
hostile  savages  who  were  returning  to  their  vil- 
lages." The  enemy  (Senecas)  were  worsted  by  the 
white  man  and  his  Hurons  —  four  were  killed  and 
two  made  prisoners.  The  last-mentioned  were 
taken  along  by  Brul6  and  his  companions  —  all 
soon  after  reaching  Carantouan.^ 

Brul6,  then,  was  the  first  of  civilized  men  to 
traverse  that  part  of  the  country.  No  white  man 
had  preceded  him  in  that  region.  To  him,  there- 
fore, is  due  the  credit  of  having  been  its  first  ex- 
plorer,—  the  first  to  set  foot  upon  any  portion  of 
the  present  State  of  New  York  west  of  the  upper 
part  of  the  East  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  And 
the  date  of  his  journey  was  1615 — a  little  over 
eight  years  only  after  the  settlement  of  Jamestown 
and  six  after  the  first  white  man  ascended  the 
Hudson. 

But  the  arrival  of  Brul6  could  not  have  awak- 
ened  in   the   minds   of   the   four  thousand  men, 

• ' '  One  of  his  [Champlain's]  men,  Stephen  Brul6,  started  with 
twelve  Indians  to  communicate  their  plans  to  their  allies,  the 
Carantouannais,  and  reached  their  town  after  daringly  crossing 
the  enemy's  country." — John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  The  Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  vol.  II,  p.  105. 

"  On  the  first  of  September,  161 5,  the  Huron  warriors  left  Lake 
Couchiching  and  proceeded  to  Lake  Simcoe,  where  they  made  a 
halt.  From  that  place,  Brul6  took  leave  of  Champlain  after  re- 
ceiving his  instructions,  and  traveled  in  the  direction  of  Lake 
Erie.  ...  He  and  his  twelve  Indians  passed  '  through  the 
enemy's  territory,'  which  means  in  few  words,  that  they  went 
from  Lake  Simcoe  straight  to  [towards]  Buffalo,  [to]  the  country 
inhabited  by  the  ....  Senecas,  the  most  southerly  [west- 
erly] tribe  of  the  Iroquois.  There  they  saw  '  a  few  of  the  enemy 
returning  to  their  village '  and  without  any  more  ado  killed  four 
and  took  two  of  them  prisoners  of  war." — Benj.  Suite,  in  The 
Evening  Journal,  Ottawa,  Canada,  Oct.  29th,  1892. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  53 

women  and  children  of  Carantouan  that  profound 
astonishment  which  the  sight  of  a  white  man  might 
be  expected  to  have  produced ;  as  already  Dutch 
prisoners  had  been  taken  to  their  village,  as  before 
explained. 

The  Hurons  and  Frenchman  were  welcomed 
with  great  joy  by  the  Carantouannais, —  the  strang- 
ers being  entertained  with  banquets  and  dances, 
in  a  manner  to  gladden  the  hearts  of  their  guests 
after  such  a  long  and  difficult  journey.  The  re- 
joicing continued  for  some  days. 

The  Carantouannais  now  assembled  in  their  vil- 
lage in  council  to  deliberate  and  resolve  in  regard 
to  sending  the  five  hundred  warriors  to  the  assist- 
ance of  their  Huron  allies,  who,  they  had  been 
assured,  would  soon  invest  the  stronghold  of  the 
Onondagas,  helped  on  by  Champlain  and  other 
white  men.^  The  result  of  the  conference  was  to 
adhere  to  their  ori^^^inal  cier  of  help.  Orders  were 
therefore  given  to  collect,  prepare  and  arm  their 
warriors  and  that  the  latter  should  march  to  the 
aid  of  their  allies  to  meet  them  at  the  place  sug- 
gested by  the  Hurons,  at  their  council  near  Lake 
Simcoe,  which  place  was  only  three  short  days' 
journey  from  Carantouan.^      But  the  five  hundred 

'  It  is  declared  by  Champlain  in  his  Narrative  of  161 8  that 
after  Brul6  had  told  tnem  (the  Carantouannais)  his  mission  and 
explained  to  them  the  occasion  of  his  journey,  the  savages  of  the 
place  assembled  in  council  to  deliberate  and  resolve  in  regard  to 
sending  the  five  hundred  warriors  asked  for  by  Bruli,  But  this 
is  giving  altogether  too  much  authority  to  Brul6.  So  far  as  the 
five  hundred  men  were  concerned, —  it  was  his  mission  only  to  aid 
the  twelve  Hurons  in  hurrying  them  up. 

*Champlain's  Voyages,  ed.  of  1619:  Narrative  of  his  Expedi- 
tion of  1618.  Champlain's  assertion  that  Carantouan  was  a  short 
three  days'  journey  from  the  Onondaga  village  was  in  accordance 


54  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

*  *  were  very  long  in  getting  ready,  although  urged 
by  Brul6  to  make  haste,  who  explained  to  them  that 
if  they  delayed  any  longer  they  would  not  find  ' ' 
their  allies  at  the  rendezvous  fixed  upon  by  them. 
Finally,  about  October  15th,  with  Brul6  accom- 
panying them,  they  set  off, —  with  what  success 
the  sequel  will  show. 

It  was,  it  will  be  remembered,  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  of  October  loth,  161 5,  that  Cham- 
plain,  with  his  Indians  and  nine  white  men,  reached 
and  invested  the  Onondaga  stronghold  —  the  ob- 
jective point  of  their  expedition.  "  The  village 
was  enclosed  by  four  good  palisades,  which  were 
made  of  great  pieces  of  wood,  interlaced  with  each 
other,  with  an  opening  of  not  more  than  half  a 
foot  between  two,  and  which  were  thirty  feet 
high,  with  galleries  after  the  manner  of  a  para- 
pet, which  they  had  furnished  with  double  pieces 

of  wood  that  were  proof  against 

arquebus  shots.  Moreover,  it  was  near  a  pond 
where  the  water  was  abundant,  and  was  well 
supplied  with  gutters,  placed  between  each  pair 
of  palisades,  to  throw  out  water,  which  they  had 
also  under  cover  inside,  in  order  to  extinguish 
fire." 

Immediately  skirmishing  was  indulged  in  be- 
tween the  contending  savages.  It  was  Cham- 
plain's  desire  that  the  presence  of  white  men  with 
fire-arms  should  not  be  disclosed  to  the  enemy  until 

with  information  furnished  him  by  Brul6  some  time  after  the 
latter  visited  the  Carantouannais.  This  does  not  necessarily 
conflict  with  ChampHin's  statement  in  his  Narrative  of  1615, 
that  the  Carantouannais  were  a  good  three  days'  journey  from 
the  Onondagas,  as  will  hereafter  be  explained. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  55 

the  next  day ;  however,  impatience  on  the  part  of 
the  Hurons  and  their  anxiety  to  rescue  some  of 
their  warriors  who  were  hotly  pursued  made  it 
incumbent  on  the  part  of  the  "  pale  faces"  not 
only  to  show  themselves  at  once,  but  to  open  fire 
with  their  arquebuses.  Speedily  the  Onondagas 
fled  inside  their  stockade,  carrying  with  them  their 
dead  and  wounded ;  and  the  besiegers  also  with- 
drew to  their  main  body  with  five  or  six  wounded, 
one  of  whom  died.^ 

Champlain  was  far  from  being  pleased  at  this 
weak  attempt  of  his  Huron  allies.  Angry  words 
were  showered  upon  them  by  the  excited  French- 
man. Then  he  proceeded,  after  his  admonition, 
to  instruct  them  in  the  art  of  war.  He  would  have 
their  camp  fortified  to  some  extent.  He  would 
have  a  wooden  tower  made  with  a  sufficient  hight 
to  overlook  the  stockade  of  the  enemy,  and  large 
enough  to  give  protection  to  four  or  five  marks- 
men. His  savage  allies  quickly  comprehended  his 
scheme,  which  included  also  the  making  of  mov- 
able parapets  to  serve  as  shields  from  the  arrows 
and  stones  of  the  besieged.  The  next  day,  in  the 
early  hours,  aided  doubtlessly  by  the  Frenchmen 
who  were  with  them,  the  savages  set  to  work  upon 
the  tower  and  parapets  and  in  less  than  four  hours 
their  task  was  completed  and  everything  in  suffi- 
cient forwardness  to  commence  the  assault  —  but 
the  besiegers  hesitated.     They  bethought  them- 

'  Champlain's  Voyages  (ed.  of  1619),  in  the  Narrative  of  his 
Expedition  of  161 5.  See,  also,  Le  Clercq,  vol.  I,  pp.  79-87. 
This  R6collet  writer,  although  having  access  to  manuscripts  of 
the  time  of  Champlain,  gives  but  few  additional  facts  concern- 
ing the  attack. 


56  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

selves  of  the  promised  assistance  of  the  five  hun- 
dred Carantouannais,  whose  help,  at  this  critical 
juncture,  would  be  invaluable.  Would  it  not  be 
policy  to  await  their  coming?  for,  on  that  very  day, 
they  were  expected.  ' '  Not  being  at  the  rendezvous 
as  directed,"  says  Champlain,  "and  as  they  had 
promised,^  our  savages  were  much  troubled." 

It  was  the  belief,  however,  of  Champlain  that 
the  Hurons,  with  the  aid  of  his  Frenchmen,  were 
sufficiently  numerous  to  capture  the  town  without 
other  assistance.  "  Delays  are  dangerous,"  he 
reasoned  —  "if  not  in  all  things,  at  least  in  many ; ' ' 
so  he  urged  the  Indians  to  the  attack,  as  he  plain- 
ly saw  the  enemy,  having  become  aware  of  the 
strength  of  the  besiegers  and,  of  course,  of  the 
presence  of  white  men  with  fire-arms,  had  begun 
to  barricade  themselves.  The  advice  was  con- 
vincing to  the  Hurons  and  they  resolved  at  once 
to  assault  the  stockade  of  the  Onondagas. 

Now  the  attack  began.  The  strongest  warriors 
to  the  number  of  two  hundred  seized  upon  the 
improvised  wooden  tower  with  unwonted  energy, 
and  carried  it  to  the  stockade,  planting  it  a  few 
feet  off.  Then  three  Frenchmen,  armed  with 
arquebuses,  mounted  upon  it,  and  being  well  pro- 
tected from  the  arrows  and  stones  that  could  be 
shot  or  hurled  at  them,  opened  a  raking  fire  along 
the  galleries  inside  the  palisades,  thronged  with 
naked  and  whooping  defenders.     Arrows  of  the 

1  Of  course,  in  this,  Charaplain's  memory  is  at  fault;  for  the 
Carantouannais  had  not  "promised"  anything;  as  there  had 
been  no  communication  between  them  and  the  Hurons  since 
Brule  and  the  twelve  savages  with  him  left  the  vicinity  of  Lake 
Simcoe. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  57 

Onondagas  were  rained  upon  the  besiegers  and 
sometimes  with  effect;  stones,  too,  flew  thick  and 
fast  against  the  Hurons;  nevertheless,  a  hot  fire 
from  the  tower  caused  the  enemy  to  dislodge  and 
abandon  their  galleries,  contenting  themselves 
afterward  to  fight  under  cover. 

Then  it  was  that  Champlain  expected  the  mov- 
able parapets  that  had  been  constructed  would  be 
brought  forward  as  he  had  directed,  under  the 
cover  of  one  of  which  fire  was  to  be  set  to  the 
stockade ;  but  the  excitement  proved  too  much  for 
such  work  on  the  part  of  his  Hurons.  They  soon 
abandoned  the  parapets  and  ' '  began  to  scream  at 
their  enemies ' '  and  shoot  their  arrows  into  the 
midst  of  them,  over  the  palisades.  And  the  fire 
that  was  kindled  was  upon  the  wrong  side  of  the 
pickets  —  the  wind  blew  the  flames  away  from 
them.  The  besiegers  soon  sought  to  remedy  this 
by  carrying  more  wood ;  but  not  enough  was  gath- 
ered to  effect  anything  rorth  mentioning,  as  the 
besieged  poured  an  abundance  of  water  upon  the 
flames  to  extinguish  them.  Meanwhile,  so  great 
was  the  disorder  and  confusion  among  the  Hurons 
that  Champlain 's  orders  could  not  be  heard  by 
them,  OT  if  heard,  no  attention  whatever  was  given 
to  the  commands  which  he  shouted  in  their  ears. 
He  entreated  —  he  remonstrated  —  but  nothing 
could  put  a  stop  to  the  wild  uproar;  so  he,  "  see- 
ing that  shouting  would  only  burst  his  head," 
wisely  concluded  to  let  his  ungovernable  allies  take 
their  own  way,  while  he  and  his  Frenchmen  would 
do  what  they  could  in  a  civilized  manner  and  fire 
upon  such  of  the  enemy  as  they  could  see, —  with 
the  result,   he  declares,  of  killing  and   maiming 


58  HISTORY   OF   RRULl^'S 

many  of  the  enemy.  The  attack  continued  for 
three  hours,  the  Hurons  having  two  chiefs  and 
about  fifteen  common  warriors  wounded,  when  they 
retreated  —  a  disorderly  rabble  —  to  their  fortified 
camp,  Champlain  himself  having  received  two 
arrow  wounds  —  one  in  the  leg  and  the  other  in  the 
knee,  causing  him  much  inconvenience  and  pain. 

Now  it  was  that  the  besiegers  began  to  talk  of 
a  retreat  without  farther  fighting,  while  Cham- 
plain  was  urging  them  again  to  assault  the  strong- 
hold of  the  Onondagas ;  however,  after  explaining 
their  situation,  having  already  so  many  wounded  to 
care  for,  they  agreed  to  wait  four  days  longer  for 
the  coming  of  the  five  hundred  Carantouannais, 
and  if  they  '  -ived,  they  would  make  a  second 
attempt  and  uld  endeavor  to  execute  his  orders 
better  than  i.   che  first  attack. 

On  the  first  and  second  days  thereafter,  there 
prevailed  a  very  strong  wind,  which  would  have 
made  it  an  easy  matter,  in  Champlain's  opinion,  to 
set  fire  to  the  enemy's  stockade;  but  the  Hurons 
could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  make  the  attempt, 
pleading  their  wounded  as  an  excuse.  The  days 
which  passed  in  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the 
Carantouannais  were  enlivened  by  frequent  skir- 
mishes between  the  contending  forces ;  and  in  some 
of  these  the  white  men  found  it  necessary  to 
go  to  the  rescue  of  their  allies.  Finally,  on 
October  i6th,  the  five  hundred  warriors  from  Car- 
antouan  not  having  made  their  appearance,  the 
retreat  of  the  Hurons  began,'  their  wounded,  in- 

'  "They  [Champlain's  savage  allies]  were  ready,  however,  to 
renew  the  onset,  if  Brule  and  his  five  hundred  Andastes  [that  is, 
Carantouannais]  should  come  to  their  assistance.     Brul6  was 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  59 

eluding  Champlain,  being  carried  in  a  kind  of  bas- 
ket made  for  the  occasion,  each  borne  on  the  back 
of  a  strong  warrior.  The  Onondagas  followed  the 
retiring  host  a  short  distance,  when  they  gave  up 
the  pursuit,  as  they  had  not  taken  (and  doubtless 
were  convinced  they  could  not  take)  any  prisoners 
of  the  Hurons.  Finally,  the  place  was  reached 
where  the  invaders  had  concealed  their  canoes 
on  the  shore  of  Lake  Ontario  and  all  were  found 
intact.^ 

Champlain  succeeded  in  getting  safely  back  to 
Cahiagu6,  at  the  end  of  the  year.  Before  returning 
to  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  visited  the  Tionnontates, 
a  nation  known  to  the  French,  generally,  as  Nation 

three  days  away  among  the  villages  of  that  people,  who  had 
not  yet  finished  their  revelries  at  the  prospect  of  punishing  the 
Iroquois.  Brul6  proved  powerless  to  move  them  on." —  Winsor: 
Carder  to  Frontenac,  pp.  118,  119.  However,  he  finally  suc- 
ceeded, as  will  be  seen,  but  whi^n  it  was  too  late. 

'  The  following  is  copied  from  the  Index  to  Champlain's  map 
("Carte  de  la  nouuelle  France")  of  1632,  concerning  the  Onon- 
daga village  which  Champlain  failed  to  capture:  "89.  Village 
renferm6  de  4  pallisades  ou  le  Sieur  de  Champlam  fut  k  la  guerre 
centre  les  Antouhonorons  ou  il  fut  pris  plusieurs  prisoniers 
sauvages. "  [Village  enclosed  within  4  palisades,  where  the  Sieur 
de  Champlain  was  during  the  war  upon  the  Antouhonorons,  and 
where  numerous  savages  were  made  prisoners.]  The  last  seven 
words  of  this  extract  are  a  sufficient  evidence  that  Cham- 
plain had  no  hand  in  making  at  least  a  portion  of  the  Index 
to  his  map  of  1632.  Where  the  Onondaga  stronghold  is  pic- 
tured on  his  map,  there  is  inserted  the  number  "89,"  as  given 
above. 

The  Iroquois  fort,  from  a  sketch  by  Champlain  himself  to  be 
found  in  his  Voyages  of  1619,  has  been  many  times  reproduced, 
both  in  French  and  English  books ;  so,  also,  has  his  large  map 
of  1632,  given  in  the  edition  of  his  work  of  that  year,  but  drawn 
by  him  in  1629. 


6o  HISTORY   OF   BRULEl'S 

du  Petun,  that  is,  Tobacco  nation.'  He  also  went 
to  the  country  of  the  Cheveux  Releves,''^  some  of 
whom,  it  will  be  remembered,  he  met  when  jour- 
neying to  the  Hurons  from  the  St.  Lawrence. 

It  was  upon  this  visit  that  Champlain  first  heard 
of  the  Attiwandarons,  to  whom,  for  the  reason 
of  their  observing,  as  before  related,  a  neutral  pol- 
icy as  to  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois,  he  gave  the 
name  of  Neutrals.  He  was  very  desirous  of  visit- 
ing this  nation,  but  was  dissuaded  from  so  doing 
by  the  Cheveux  Relev6s,  who  informed  him  that, 
at  the  attack  on  the  Onondaga  stronghold  in  the 
Iroquois  country  the  year  before,  one  of  his  men 
had  killed  a  Neutral ;  and  that  because  of  this,  it 
would  be  dangerous  to  go  among  them.  So  he 
returned  to  the  Hurons  the  same  way  he  went. 
He  afterwc  rd  came  upon  a  party  of  Nipissings 
who  had  wintered  in  that  country  and  who  had 
promised  to  conduct  him  farther  on  in  the  prose- 
cution of  his  plans  and  explorations,  by  guiding 
him  to  the  northward  and  northwestward,  to  the 
head  of  Lake  Huron,  when,  after  going  not  a  great 
distance,  as  he  believed,  he  would  reach  the  North 
Sea,  but  which,  in  reality,  was  Lake  Superior. 
However,  a  quarrel  sprung  up  between  the  Hu- 
rons and  some  Algonquins  who  were  with  them ; 
and,  because  of  this,  it  had  been  determined  by 
the  Nipissings  to  break  off  the  journey  to  the 
north.     "  If   ever,"    says  Champlain,    "  a  person 

'  South  of  the  Nottawasaga  hay,  and  about  two  days'  journey 
west  of  the  Huron  towns,  were  situated  nine  or  ten  villages  of 
the  Petuns.  They  did  not  form  a  league  with  the  Hurons  until 
1640.     The  languages  of  the  two  natic-os  were  nearly  identical. 

'  Afterward  known  as  Ottawas. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  6 1 

was  greatly  disheartened  it  was  myself,  since  J  had 
been  waiting  to  see  this  year  the  North  Sea,  which 
during  many  preceding  years  I  had  been  seeking 
for  with  great  toil  and  effort,  through  many  fa- 
tigues-and  risks  of  life." 

Champlain,  realizing  no  v  that  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  make  the  tour  to  the  north,  comforted 
himself  as  best  he  could,  resolving  to  see  that 
region,  if  possible,  in  a  short  time,  although  now 
thwarted  in  his  designs.  He  had  obtained  so  much 
information  that  he  could  not  doubt  what  the  sav- 
ages told  him  of  the  country ;  and  particularly,  as 
they  went  to  traffic  with  the  people  there, —  nearly 
all  of  whom,  he  was  informed,  lived  in  a  region 
where  there  was  an  abundance  of  game,  and  where 
there  were  great  numbers  of  large  animals,  pre- 
sumably buffaloes.  He  was  assured  that  fishini 
was  abundant  there ;  and  that  the  journey  required 
forty  days  in  going  to  that  country,  and  the  same 
length  of  time  in  returning  from  it.  Undoubtedly, 
the  region  referred  to  was  the  southern  part  of  the 
present  Wisconsin  and  the  northern  portions  of 
what  is  now  the  State  of  Illinois. 

It  was  also  learned  by  Champlain  that  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Ottawa  river  and  those  living  towards 
the  south  after  leaving  the  French  river  (nearly  all 
of  whom  he  had  visited)  had  little  knowledge  of 
the  inhabitants  to  the  v/estward  of  Lake  Huron 
beyond  those  they  traded  with,  as  they  were  at 
war  with  them.  "  We  can  not,"  he  says,  "  obtain 
better  information  of  them,  except  what  had  been 
told  by  some  prisoners  —  that  the  people  of  those 
distant  countries  were  like  Frenchmen  in  color  and 
in  other  respects."    Of  course,  these  stories  had  no 


62  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

foundation  in  fact,  but  Champlain  was  inclined  to 
believe  them  true  —  to  this  extent,  that  they  were 
people  more  civilized  than  the  savages  he  was  then 
with. 

After  leaving  word  with  the  Hurons  for  Brul6, 
upon  his  return  from  Carantouan,  to  proceed  north- 
ward and  explore  the  country  towards  the  head  of 
Lake  Huron,  Champlain  started  for  the  St.  Law- 
rence. On  July  nth,  1616,  he  reached  Quebec,  to 
the  great  joy  of  all  the  people.^ 

"  The  courage,  endurance,  and  heroism  of  Cham- 
plain were  tested  in  the  ....  exploration 
of  161 5.  It  extended  from  Montreal,  the  whole 
length  of  the  Ottawa,  to  Lake  Nipissing,  the 
Georgian  bay,  [Lake]  Simcoe,  the  system  of  small 
lakes  on  the  south,  across  the  Ontario,  and  finally 
ending  in  the  interior  of  the  State  of  New  York,  a 
journey  through  tangled  forests  and  broken  water- 
courses of  more  than  a  thousand  miles,  occupying 
nearly  a  year,  executed  in  the  face  of  physical 
suflfering  and  hardship  before  which  a  nature  less 

'  Brief  accounts  of  Charaplain's  journey  of  1615  and  1616  have 
frequently  been  given  in  English :  see  History  of  the  Discovery 
of  the  Northwest,  by  fohn  Nicolet,  in  ibj4,  pp.  18-20;  Warbur- 
ton's  Conquest  of  Canada,  vol.  I,  p.  88;  O.  H.  Marshall,  in  The 
Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  I,  pp.  i  -  5 ;  J.  G.  Shea,  in 
The  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  vol. 
II,  pp.  103 -loS;  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World,  pp.  357-386;  Brodhead's  History  of  the  State  of  New 
York  (Revised  ed.),  vol.  I,  pp.  67-71;  Lossing's  Empire  State, 
p.  18;  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter's  "Champlain,"  in  Winsor's 
Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,vo\.  IV,  pp.  124-126; 
Winsor's  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  pp.  116-121;  and  other  works. 
But  the  most  lengthy  one  is  that  published  in  vol.  Ill,  pp.  89-188, 
of  the  Prince  Society  Publications  of  Champlain' s  "  Voyages," 
being  a  full  translation  of  Charaplain's  Narrative  of  1615,  by 
Charles  Pomeroy  Otis,  with  Historical   Illustrations  by  Slafter. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  63 

intrepid  and  determined,  less  loyal  to  his  great 
purpose,  less  generous  and  unselfish,  would  have 
yielded  at  the  outset. ' '  ^ 

But  what  of  Brul^  and  the  five  hunared  Caran- 
touannais  ?  They  had  left  Carantouan ;  they  had 
marched  northward,  leaving,  probably,  the  terri- 
tory now  included  in  Tioga  county.  New  York, 
and  going  through  that  of  the  present  counties  of 
Tompkins,  Cayuga,  Cortland  and  into  Onondaga, 
but  reaching  the  rendezvous  (fixed  upon  near  Lake 
Simcoe  by  the  Hurons)  two  days  after  the  depart- 
ure of  Champlain  and  his  allies.^  There  was  now 
no  alternative :  they  must  return  as  they  came ;  ^ 
and  of  course  Brul6  was  obliged  to  go  back  with 
them  to  Carantouan.* 

'  Rev.  E.  F.  Slafter,  in  Memoir  of  Samuel  de  Champlain  — 
vol.  I,  pp.  199,  200,  of  Prince  Society  Publications  of  Cham- 
plain's  ''Voyages." 

*  Champlain,  in  his  Narrative  of  161 8,  gives  an  erroneous  rea- 
son for  the  retreat  of  the  Hurons  from  the  vicinity  of  the  Onon- 
daga village:  "They  [the  Carantouannais]  did  not  succeed  in 
arriving  until  two  days  after  our  departure  from  that  place  [the 
Onondaga  stronghold],  which  we  were  forced  to  abandon,  since 
%ve  were  too  weak  and  worn  by  the  inclemency  of  the  weather 
[the  italicising  is  mine]  to  longer  remain." 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Carantouannais  determined  by  their 
reconnoitering  of  the  deserted  camp  of  the  Hurons  that  they  had 
been  gone  two  days.  It  is  probable  that  Brul4  subsequently 
gave  to  Champlain  the  date  of  their  arrival,  which  the  latter 
readily  saw  was,  as  he  gives  in  his  Narrative  of  i6i8,  two  days 
after  he  and  his  Hurons  broke  camp. 

^  Doubtless,  Carantouan  was  the  nearest  of  the  three  villages 
of  the  Carantouannais  to  the  Onondaga  stronghold,  as  it  was 
a  short  three  days'  journey  thence  to  the  enemy's  village  — 
the  objective  point  of  Champlain  and  his  Hurons;  whereas  it 
was  a  good  three  days'  journey  from  the  Carantouannais,  if  their 
three  villages  are  considered  together. 

*  "  This   [the   Carantouannais  not  nnding  their  allies  at  the 


64  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

rendezvous]  caused  Brul6  and  the  five  hundred  men  whom  he 
brought  to  withdraw  and  return  to  their  village  of  Carantouan," 
is  Champlain's  declaration  in  his  Narrative  of  1618  (the  italicis- 
ing is  mine).  But,  in  this,  he  gives  altogether  too  much  authority 
to  Brul6. 

'  The  army  of  five  hundred  men,  which  Stephen  Brul6  was  to 
accompany  from  the  Susquehanna  district  to  cooperate  with 
Champlain  in  his  attack  on  the  Onondaga  Fort,  did  not  arrive 
before  that  stout  palisade  till  two  days  after  the  retreat  of  the 
Hurons  with  the  wounded  French  leader ;  they,  too,  retired,  but 
kept  up  the  war  till  they  were  totally  conquered  by  the  Iro- 
quois."—  John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  The  Pennsylvania  Magazine 
of  History  and  Biography,  vol.  II,  p,  108.  In  this,  Mr.  Shea 
expresses  the  correct  idea  as  to  one  object  of  Brul6's  visit  to 
Carantouan;  which  was,  for  him,  after  urging  the  Carantouan- 
nais  quickly  to  assemble  and  hasten  the  departure  of  the  five 
hundred,  to  accompany  them  to  the  place  agreed  upon  near  the 
Onondaga  fort. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

BRUL6  explores  the  SUSQUEHANNA  AND  CHESA- 
PEAKE COUNTRY  TO  THE  OCEAN. 

We  left  Brul^  at  Carantouan,  whither  he  had  re- 
turned with  the  five  hundred  Carantouannais  in 
the  latter  half  of  October,  1615.^  For  lack  of 
company  and  escort  back  to  the  Huron  villages,  he 
must  needs  remain  at  Carantouan  during  the  winter, 
— but  not,  of  course,  to  continue  idle  within  the 
palisaded  home  of  his  savage  friends.  His  mis- 
sion was  one,  as  already  explained,  largely  for  an 
examination  of  their  country;  but  he  would  not, 
certainly,  be  limited  even  to  that  if  ulterior  re- 
gions promised  rich  fields  for  visitations.  So  hav- 
ing busied  himself  in  the  vicinity  in  calling  upon 
friendly  Indians,  for  awhile,  he  turned  his  longing 
eyes  to  the  southward ;  for  he  had  learned,  doubt- 
less, that  the  Susquehanna  was  a  stream  of  great 
length  and  that  the  country  watered  by  it  was  the 
home  of  several  savage  tribes.  He  resolved,  there- 
fore, to  see  what  (at  least  to  him)  was  an  unknown 

'  As  Champlain  in  his  Voyages  (ed.  of  1619)  has  been  de- 
pended upon  for  the  leading  incidents  m  the  career  of  Bruld 
after  starting  with  the  twelve  savages  from  the  Huron  country 
for  Carantouan  until  his  return  to  that  village  with  the  five 
hundred  Carantouannais  in  an  ineffectual  avtempt  to  succor 
Champlain  while  fighting  the  Onondaj,as,— so,  also,  we  must 
look  to  the  same  work  for  the  main  facts  concerning  the  in- 
terpreter's discoveries  and  explorations  immediately  following 
those  events.  How  Champlain  came  into  possession  of  these 
facts  will  hereafter  be  narrated. 


66  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

valley ;  and  he  soon  started  upon  his  perilous  jour- 
ney. His  adventure  was  undertaken  for  no  other 
purpose  than  exploration.  Was  the  Susquehan- 
na, from  the  present  northern  limits  of  Pennsyl- 
vania to  the  south  boundary  line  of  that  State,  and 
for  some  distance  below,  a  wholly  undiscovered 
river  at  that  time  ?  And  had  any  white  man  previ- 
ously explored  to  any  extent  the  territory  now 
included  within  the  limits  of  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania? These  are  questions  now  to  be  an- 
swered. 

The  North  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna  rises  in 
Otsego  county.  New  York,  and  is  the  outlet  of 
Otsego  and  Schuyler  lakes.  The  part  of  this 
.stream  which  is  included  in  that  State  is  usu- 
ally called  the  Susquehanna.  It  runs  southwest- 
ward  to  Great  Bend,  in  Pennsylvania,  from  which 
it  returns  into  New  York  and  intersects  the  coun- 
ties of  Broome  and  Tioga.  Turning  next  to  the 
left,  it  enters  Bradford  county,  Pennsylvania,  and 
runs  southeastward  to  the  coal  mines  of  the  Wy- 
oming valley.  Below  Pittston  it  runs  southwest - 
ward  through  Luzerne  and  Columbia  counties  to 
Northumberland. 

The  West  Branch  rises  on  the  west  slope  of  the 
Alleghany  mountains,  and  drains  Clearfield  county 
and  intersects  Clinton  and  Lycoming  counties. 
Its  general  direction  is  eastward.  It  is  nearly  two 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  long,  and  is  inferior  to  the 
North  Branch.  It  unites  with  the  North  Branch 
at  Northumberland,  forming  the  Susquehanna 
proper. 

The  Susquehanna  from  Northumberland  runs 
southward  to  Harrisburg  and  before  it  reaches  that 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  67 

city  forms  the  boundary  between  Dauphin  and 
Perry  counties.  Below  Harrisburg  it  flows  nearly 
southeastward,  and  forms  the  boundary  between 
the  counties  of  Lancaster  and  York.  Passing  next 
into  Maryland,  it  separates  Cecil  county  from  Har- 
ford county  and  enters  the  north  end  of  Chesapeake 
bay  at  Havre  le  Grace.  The  Susquehanna  is 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  length ;  but 
if  the  North  Branch  is  included,  it  is  five  hundred 
miles  long.  It  traverses  a  hilly,  fertile  and  pictur- 
esque country,  but  its  navigation  is  obstructed  by 
rocky  rapids.  Its  principal  tributary  is  the  Juniata, 
flowing  into  the  parent  stream  from  the  westward. 

Chesapeake  bay  is  a  large  and  important  body 
of  water  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  extending 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna  river  south- 
ward to  Hampton  Roads,  and  communicating  with 
the  Atlantic  Ocean  by  a  wide  channel  between 
Cape  Charles  and  Cape  Henry.  It  is  nearly  two 
hundred  miles  long,  and  varies  in  width  from  four 
to  forty  miles,  dividing  Maryland  into  two  parts, 
called  the  eastern  and  western  shore,  and  having 
also  upon  its  eastern  shore  the  counties  of  Acco- 
mack and  Northampton  in  Virginia.  The  land  on 
each  side  of  the  bay  is  deeply  indented  by  numer- 
ous inlets  or  estuaries,  through  which  the  Potomac, 
Patuxent,  Rappahannock,  York,  Choptank,  Nanti- 
coke,  and  other  rivers  enter  the  bay.  The  water 
is  so  deep  that  the  largest  ships  can  ascend  it 
.•Imost  to  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna.  Balti- 
more is  on  an  estuary  which  is  virtually  a  part  of 
the  Chesapeake. 

For  the  purposes  of  historical  illustration,  the 
North  Branch  and  the  Susquehanna  proper  may 


68  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

be  considered  as  one.  The  Carantouannais,  liv- 
ing in  a  region  three  good  days'  journey  south  of 
the  Onondaga  country,  must  have  had  their  vil- 
lages, therefore,  on  the  waters  of  the  Susque- 
hanna. This  is  conceded  by  all  writers  who  have 
had  their  attention  directed  to  the  subject.' 

Following  close  upon  the  voyage  of  Verrazzano 
in  1524.  was  that  of  Stephen  Gomez,  who,  it 
seems,  discovered,  on  Saint  Antony's  day  (June 
13th),  1525,  the  river  subsequently  rediscovered 
by  Hudson  and  now  known  by  his  name.  Gomez 
was  a  Portuguese  in  the  employ  of  Spain ;  but  he 
returned  to  Corunna,  whence  he  had  sailed,  within 
less  than  a  year,  having  a  cargo  of  furs  and  In- 
dians—  the  latter  for  the  slave-market.  There 
is  no  account  of  his  having  penetrated  into  the  in- 
terior country,  north,  west,  or  to  the  southwest, 
from  the  Hudson.*^ 

The  bay  of  ' '  Santa  Maria ' '  (Chesapeake  bay) 
was  early  known  to  the  Spaniards,  it  having  been 
discovered  by  them  between  the  years  1524  and 
1540.  In  1556,  an  attempt  was  made  by  people  of 
the  same  nationality  to  form  a  settlement  in  that 
region,  which,  however,  proved  a  failure.'^  Again 
in   1570  was   another  trial;  but  this  one.  in  the 

i"This  tribe  [the  Carantouannais]  was  probably  situated  on 
the  upper  waters  of  the  Susquehanna;  "  SI  after.  "The  Caran- 
touannais .  .  .  living  in  three  towns  near  the  Susquehanna, 
were  to  cooperate  with  the  Hurons:  "  Shea. 

'Bancroft's  History  of  the  United  States  (ed.  of  1890),  vol. 
1,  pp.  26,  27.  Consult,  in  this  connection,  Winsor's  Narrative 
and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  16. —  vol.  IV, 
pp.  9-11,  28-30,  413,  414.  The  river,  generally  believed  to  have 
been  the  Hudson  which  was  discovered  by  Gomez,  was  called 
the  "  Rio  de  San  Antonio." 

*  Sharf 's  History  of  Maryland,  vol.  I,  p.  22. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  69 

end,  met  with  no  better  success.  ^  Three  years 
after,  Pedro  Menendez  Morquez  sailed  into  the 
bay,  estimated  the  distance  between  its  headlands, 
took  soundings  of  the  water  in  its  channel,  and 
observed  that  it  had  "  many  rivers  and  harbors  on 
both  sides"  in  which  vessels  might  anchor."  Did 
he  discover  the  Susquehanna  where  it  enters  the 
bay?  Probably  such  was  not  the  fact.  He  ex- 
plored none  of  the  streams  he  saw,  nor  did  he 
give  names  to  any.  It  is  safe  to  conclude,  there- 
fore, that,  as  yet,  the  Susquehanna  was  a  river  un- 
known to  civilized  man. 

An  attempt  in  1585  by  Englishmen  to  form  a 
colony  on  the  coast  of  what  is  now  North  Caro- 
lina, although  not  successful,  resulted  the  next 
year  in  making  known  to  England  for  the  first 
time  the  bay  already  visited  by  Marquez.  But 
two  other  colonies,  together  taking  the  name  of 
Virginia,  were,  farther  to  the  northward,  subse- 
quently more  fortunate.  Three  English  vessels, 
carrying  one  hundred  and  five  emigrants,  in  April, 

1607,  reached  the  Chesapeake ;  and  soon  Jamestown 
was  founded  by  one  of  the  companies  organized  to 
settle  Virginia.  The  guiding  spirit  of  the  new 
settlement  was  Captain  John  Smith.    On  June  2nd, 

1608,  he  left  Jamestown  with  fourteen  others  "  to 
perform  his  discovery"  of  the  bay  of  "  Chisa- 
peack  "  (Chesapeake).  After  finishing  a  part  of 
his    proposed   work,    he    returned,    reaching    the 

'  For  a  readable  account  of  this  attempt  to  form  a  settlement 
at  a  place  called  "Axacan,"  see  Historical  Register,  vol.  I, 
pp,  114- 120.  But  the  proposition  there  set  forth,  that  "Axacan  " 
might  have  been  located  on  the  Susquehanna,  is  entitled  to  no 
consideration. 

**  Sharf 's  History  of  Maryland,  vol.  I,  pp.  22,  23. 


70  HISTORY   OF   BRULlt'S 

settlement  on  the  21st  of  July.  Three  days 
thereafter  he  again  started,  this  time  with  twelve 
men,  to  complete  his  discoveries.  As,  however, 
only  so  much  of  his  second  voyage  as  has  an 
immediate  bearing  on  his  reaching  the  mouth 
of  the  Susquehanna  river  is  of  special  impor- 
tance to  our  narrative,  his  record,  which  he 
afterwards  published,  will  be  given,  but  restricted 
to  a  small  portion  of  his  recital  of  all  that  he  saw 
and  heard  during  his  absence.  He  sailed  in  a 
barge  of  "  hardly  2  toon?,"  using  oars  and  a  sail. 

"The  wind  being  contrary,"  says  Smith,  "  caused 
our  stay  two  or  three  days  at  Kecoughton  [now 
Hampton,  Virginia] :  the  King  feasted  us  with 
much  mirth ;  his  people  were  persuaded  we  went 
purposely  to  be  revenged  of  the  Massawomeks 
[Mohawks  or  other  Iroquois].  In  the  evening,  we 
fired  a  few  rockets,  which,  flying  in  the  air,  so 
terrified  the  poor  savages,  they  supposed  nothing 
impossible  we  attempted,  and  desired  to  assist  us. 

"  The  first  night  we  anchored  at  Stingray  isle. 
The  next  day  crossed  Patawomeks  [Potomac]  river, 
and  hastened  to  the  river  Bolus  [Patapsco  river]. 
We  went  not  much  further  before  we  might  see 
the  [Chesapeake]  bay  to  divide  in  two  heads,  and 
arriving  there  we  found  it  divided  into  four,  all 
which  we  searched  so  far  as  we  could  sail  them. 
Two  of  them  we  found  inhabited." 

After  leaving  the  Patapsco,  the  next  river  dis- 
covered by  Smith  was  the  Susquehanna.  How- 
ever, he  could  not  ascend  the  stream  with  his  boat 
two  miles  for  rocks. ^ 

'  "At  the  end  of  the  [Chesapeake]   Bay,    where  it  is  6  or  7 
myles  in  breadth,  it  divides  itself  into  4  branches,  the  best  com- 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  7 1 

"  Near  it  [the  Susquehanna],"  are  the  words  of 
Smith,  "  north  and  by  west  runneth  a  creek  a  mile 
and  a  half,  at  the  head  whereof  the  ebb  [tide]  left 
us  on  shore,  where  we  found  many  trees  cut  with 
hatchets.  The  next  tide,  keeping  the  shore  to 
seek  for  some  savages  (for  within  thirty  leagues* 
sailing  we  saw  not  any  —  being  a  barren  country), 
we  went  up  another  small  river  [now  known  as 
Bush  river],  like  a  creek,  six  or  seven  miles."  ^ 
Returning  down  this  stream,  the  Captain  set  sail 
to  cross  the  bay,  when  he  unexpectedly  encount- 
ered "  seven  or  eight  canoes  full  of  Massawomeks 
[Mohawks  or  other  Iroquois], —  we  seeing  them 
prepare  to  assault  us,  left  our  oars  and  made  way 
with  our  sails  to  encounter  them,  yet  were  we  but 
five  with  our  Captain  that  could  stand,  for  within 
two  days  after  we  left  Kecoughtan,  the  rest  (being 
all  of  the  last  supply)  were  sick  almost  to  death, 
until  they  were  seasoned  to  the  country.  Having 
shut  them  under  our  tarpaulin,  we  put  their  hats 
upon  sticks  by  the  barge's  side,  and  betwixt  two 
hats   a  man   with  two  pieces,   to  make  us  seem 

meth  Northwest  from  among  the  mountains,  but  though  Canows 
may  goe  a  dayes  iourney  or  two  vp  it,  we  could  not  get  two 
myles  vp  it  with  our  boat  for  rockes." — Smith's  Ghierall  His- 
torie  of  Virginia^  New  England  &»  the  Summer  Isles 
(London:  1624),  p.  24.  Arber's  Reprint  (1884),  p.  349.  (I  have 
thought  it  best,  in  the  text,  generally  to  modernize  Smith's  spell- 
ing-) 

This  Ghterall  Historie  of  Virginia,  etc.,  gives  an  account  of 
the  infant  colony  begun,  as  we  have  seen,  in  1607.  Smith's 
book  also  contains  a  supplementary  narrative  of  his  trip  to  the 
Susquehanna  river,  prepared  by  three  of  his  companions.  The 
work,  as  a  whole,  contains  two  hundred  and  forty-eight  pages. 
To  it  was  added  a  Map  of  Virginia,  which  had  been  previously 
published.     (See  Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  XIII.) 

'  Ibid. 


7i'  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

many,  and  so  we  think  the  Indians  supposed  these 
hats  to  be  men,  for  they  fled  with  all  possible 
speed  to  the  shore,  and  there  staid,  staring  at  the 
sailing  of  our  barge  till  we  anchored  right  against 
them.  Long  it  was  ere  we  could  draw  them  to 
come  to  us.  At  last  they  sent  two  of  their  com- 
pany unarmed  in  a  canoe,  the  rest  all  followed  to 
second  them  if  need  required.  These  two  being 
but  each  presented  with  a  bell,  brought  aboard  all 
their  fellows,  presenting  our  captain  with  venison, 
bears'  flesh,  fish,  bows,  arrows,  clubs,  targets,  and 
bear  skins.  We  understood  them  nothing  at  all, 
but  by  signs  whereby  they  signified  unto  us  they 
had  been  at  war  with  the  Tockwoghes  [on  what  is 
now  known  as  the  Sassafras  river,  Maryland],  the 
which  they  confirmed  by  showing  us  their  green 
[fresh]  wounds,  but  the  night  parting  us,  we  imag- 
ined they  appointed  the  next  morning  to  meet  [us] , 
but  after  that  we  never  saw  them."  ^ 

"  The  next  day,"  continues  Smith,  "  we  discov- 
ered the  small  river  and  people  of  Tockwhogh 
trending  eastward."  ^  - 

And  thus  again  the  Captain :  * '  Entering  the 
river  Tochwogh  [now  known  as  the  Sassafras 
river]  the  savages  all  armed,  in  a  fleet  of  boats, 
after  their  barbarous  manner,  round  environed  us ; 

'"He  [Smith]  was  the  first  to  publish  to  the  English  the 
power  of  the  Mohawks,  '  who  dwelt  upon  a  great  water,  and  had 
many  boats  and  many  men,'  and,  as  it  seemed  to  the  feebler 
Algonkin  tribes,  '  made  war  upon  all  the  world;'  in  the  Chesa- 
peake, he  encountered  a  fleet  of  their  canoes." — Bancroft's 
United  States  (ed.  of  1890),  vol.  I,  p.  94. 

« Smith's  spelling  of  the  name  of  the  Indian  tribe  with  whom 
the  "  Massawomeks "  had  been  at  war  is  not  uniform.  He 
writes  "Tockwogh,"  "Tockwhogh,"  and,  sometimes,  "Toch- 
wogh."   The  pronunciation  was,  probably,  tock-wock. 


DISCOVERIES  AND   EXPLORATIONS.  73 

SO  it  chanced  one  of  them  could  speak  the  language 
of  Powhatan  [the  celebrated  Indian  chief,  whose 
daughter  was  Pocahontas]  who  persuaded  the  rest 
to  friendly  parley.  But  when  they  saw  us  fur- 
nished with  the  Massawomeks  weapons,  and  we 
faining  the  invention  of  Kecoughtan  [that  the 
party  was  going  against  the  Massawomeks]  to 
have  taken  them  by  force,  they  conducted  us  to 
their  palisaded  town,  manteled  with  the  barks  of 
trees,  with  scaffolds  like  mounts,  breasted  about 
with  breasts  very  formally.  Their  men,  women 
and  children,  with  dances,  songs,  fruits,  furs,  and 
what  they  had,  kindly  welcomed  us,  spreading 
mats  for  us  to  sit  on,  stretching  their  best  abilities 
to  express  their  loves.  Many  hatchets,  knives, 
pieces  of  iron  and  brass,  we  saw  amongst  them, 
which  they  reported  to  have  from  the  Sasquesa- 
hannocks,  a  mighty  people  and  mortal  enemies 
with  the  Massawomeks  [Mohawks  or  other  Iro- 
quois]." ' 

From    the    savage    Tockwoghs,    then.    Smith 
heard,  for  the  first  time,  of  the  Susquehanna  In- 

'  "On  the  east  side  of  the  bay  is  the  river  Tockwhogh,  and 
upon  it  a  people  that  can  make  loo  men,  seated  some  seaven 
myles  within  the  river ;  where  they  have  a  fort  very  veil  -pal- 
lisadaed  and  mantelled  with  barkes  of  trees." —  Smith. 

"Through  Smith's  interpreter,"  says  Prof.  Guss  {Histor- 
ical Register,  vol.  I,  pp.  120,  121),  "who  understood  English, 
and  Powhatan  Algonquin,  he  [Smith]  found  no  difficulty  in  com- 
municating with  the  Tockwocks." 

But  Smith  had  no  interpreter  vrho  was  an  Indian  that  could 
understand  English.  The  Captain  understood  some  "  Pow- 
■  ♦an, ' '  and  managed  to  hold  conversation  with  the  '  T ockwock, ' ' 
wno,  /■/  chanced,  coull  speak  the  same  language; — that  is, 
"Powhatan  Algonquin,"  as  Prof.  Guss  terms  it.  It  is  evident 
the  Ta  '  .  oghs  were  of  Ircquois  lineage — not  "  Tockwock  Algon- 
quins,'  tis  that  writer  would  term  them. 


74  HISTORY   OF   BRULl^'S 

dians.  These  savages  were  '*  seated  2  dales  high- 
er" on  the  Susquehanna  "than  was  passage  for 
the  discoverers  Barge. "^  It  was  resolved  by  Smith 
to  return  to  the  mouth  of  that  river,  and  if  pos- 
sible hold  a  council  with  the  "  Sasquesahanocks. " 
Thereupon  the  party  again  set  sail. 

The  Tockwogh  Indian  who  could  speak  the 
language  of  Powhatan  (of  which  language  Smith 
had  some  knowledge),  and  who  was  with  the  white 
men  in  the  barge,  was  prevailed  upon  to  go  among 
the  "  Sasquesahanocks  "  to  persuade  them  to  make 
the  journey,  taking  with  him  another  Indian  of 
his  own  nation  who  could  also  assist  in  the  work. 
"  We  prevailed,"  says  the  Captain,  '*  with  the  in- 
terpreter to  take  with  him  another  interpreter,  to 
persuade  the  Sasquesahanocks  tj  come  visit  us, 
for  their  languages  are  different.  Three  or  four 
days  we  expected  their  return,  then  sixty  of  those 
giant-like  people  came  down,  with  presents  of 
venison,  tobacco  pipes  three  foot  in  length,  bas- 
kets, targets,  bows  and  arrows."^ 

Taking  with  him  in  his  barge  five  of  the  "  Sas- 
quesahanock  ' '  chiefs  (' '  werowances, "  as  they  were 
called),  and  leaving  the  rest  of  the  savages  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  with  their  canoes,  * '  the  winds 
being  so  high  they  durst  not  passe,"  Smith  again 
sprcc.d  his  sail  to  cross  the  bay  Lo  the  Sassafras 
(•'  Tockwhogh  ")  river. 

In  the  ' '  pallizadoed  towne  ' '  of  the  Tockwoghs, 

'  See  Appendix,  Note  XIII. 

'That  the  language  of  the  Tockwoghs  was  "different"  from 
the  "Sasquesahanocks"  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  it  was 
radically  different  —  that  the  two  nations  could  not  have  been 
of  the  same  linguistic  stock. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  7$ 

Smith  and  his  companions  were  highly  entertained 
with  the  strange  manners  of  the  "  Sasquesahan- 
ocks:"  "Our  order,"  is  the  quaint  language  of 
Smith,  "  was  daily  to  have  prayer,  with  a  psalm, 
at  which  solemnity  the  poor  savages  much  won- 
dered, our  prayers  being  done,  a  while  ley  were 
busied  with  a  consultation  till  they  had  contrived 
their  business.  They  then  began  in  a  most  pas- 
sionate manner  to  hold  up  their  hands  to  the  sun, 
with  a  most  fearful  song,  then  embracing  our  Cap- 
tain, they  began  to  adore  him  in  like  manner: 
though  he  rebuked  them,  yet  they  proceeded  till 
their  song  was  finished :  which  done  with  a  most 
strange  furious  action,  and  a  hellish  voice ;  began 
an  oration  of  their  loves ;  that  ended,  with  a  great 
painted  bear-skin  they  covered  him;  then  one 
ready  with  a  great  chain  of  white  beads,  weighing 
at  least  six  or  seven  pounds  hung  it  about  his 
neck,  the  others  had  eighteen  mantels,  made  of 
divers  sorts  of  skins  sewed  together ;  all  these  with 
many  other  toyes  they  laid  at  his  feet,  stroking 
their  ceremonious  hands  about  his  neck  for  his 
creation  to  be  their  governor  and  protector,  prom- 
ising their  aid,  victuals,  or  what  they  had  to  be 
his,  if  he  would  stay  with  them,  to  defend  and 
revenge  them  of  the  Massawomeks.  But  we  left 
them  at  Tockwhogh,  sorrowing  for  our  departure, 
yet  we  promised  the  next  year  again  to  visit  them. " 
But  Smith  did  not  leave  the  *  *  Sasquesahanocks  ' ' 
and  the  Tockwoghs  until  he  had  obtained  from 
the  former  the  important  information  that  the 
hatchets,  knives,  and  other  articles  of  European 
manufacture  possessed  by  their  nation  had  been 
obtained  from  the  French  on  (as  the  Captain  un- 


ffi  HISTORY   OF   BRULlfe'S 

derstood  them)  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  There 
had  been  such  a  trade  carried  on  by  way  of  the 
West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  thence  across  to 
Lake  Erie  and  down  the  Niagara  river,  thence 
along  the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario  and  down  the  St. 
Lawrence,  for  several  years,  with  transient  fur- 
traders  in  the  last-mentioned  river,  and  with  others 
more  permanently  located  below. ^ 

The  failure  of  Smith  and  his  men  to  ascend  in 
their  barge  the  Susquehanna  river  farther  than 
about  two  miles  left  all  the  extensive  region  after- 
ward included  within  the  boundaries  of  Pennsyl- 
vania unexplored  by  civilized  man.  And  for  the 
next  eight  years  and  more,  so  far  as  known,  no 
Englishman  passed  within  its  limits,  as  now  de- 
fined. The  English  explorers  of  the  Chesapeake 
bay  had,  as  we  have  just  narrated,  reached  a  point 
within  a  few  miles  of  what  became  afterward  (and 
still  is)  its  southern  boundary  — ' '  Mason  and  Dix- 
on's  Line."- 

As  early  as  1597,  voyages  were  undertaken  from 
Holland  to  America.  In  1608,  Henry  Hudson,  an 
Englishman,  offered  his  services  to  the  Dutch  East 
India  Company  to  undertake  a  search  for  a  north- 

'  This  fact  is  to  be  inferred  from  what  is  said  by  Champlain  in 
his  Voyages  of  1613.  See,  also,  in  this  connection  (as  to  this 
grand  detour  having  been  made  by  the  savages),  Appendix 
to  our  Narrative,  Note  XII.  The  gfreat  circuit,  as  already  ex- 
plained, was  followed  to  avoid  the  hostile  Iroquois.  It  was  this 
roui  d-about  way,  in  going  from  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara  river 
to  the  Susquehania,  that  Brul^  could  not  take  for  want  of  time. 

*See  Appendix,  Note  XIII.  What  is  said  by  Smith  in  Chapter 
VI,  of  his  "  First  Book  "  concerning  his  visit  to  the  head  of  the 
Chesapeake,  must  be  read  in  connection  with  his  summary  ac- 
count and  description  in  his  ' '  Second  Book : ' '  they  must  be 
construed  together. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  TJ 

east  passage  to  China,  and  they  were  accepted. 
On  April  4th,  1609,  a  vessel  of  about  eighty  tons' 
burden,  commanded  by  him  and  manned  by 
Netherlanders  and  Englishmen,  set  sail.  His 
yacht  was  named  the  Half  Moon.  Failing  to  the 
northward  and  northeastward,  he  turned  his 
prow  to  the  westward  and  south  west  ward.  Early 
in  July,  he  reached  the  banks  of  Newfoundland; 
and,  soon  after  the  beginning  of  September,  he 
rediscovered  the  river  which  afterwards  received 
his  name.  Now,  for  a  while,  Dutch  voyages  to  the 
east  coast  of  America  were  given  up,  to  be  renewed, 
however,  in  16 13,  by  Henry  Christiansen  in  the  For- 
tune and  Adrian  Block  in  the  Tiger.  These  navi- 
gators were  instructed  to  sail  for  the  island  of  Man- 
hattan and  to  renew  and  continue  their  traffic  with 
the  savages  along  the  Hudson  (then  called  the 
Mauritius)  river, —  the  two  having  previously,  in 
one  ship,  visited  that  stream  and  obtained  furs 
from  the  natives.  By  accident,  the  Tiger  was 
burned  at  Manhattan  while  Block  was  preparing  to 
return  to  Holland,  but  its  commander  was  not  dis- 
couraged. During  the  winter  of  161 3 -14,  he 
built  a  small  yacht,  erecting  a  few  huts  on  the 
island  for  his  accommodation  while  engaged  in  the 
work.  But  this  was  not  the  beginning  of  New 
York  city,  for  it  again  lapsed  into  "  primeval  soli- 
tude." 1 

By  the  spring  of  16 14,  other  vessels  had  arrived 
from  Holland  at  Manhattan,  and  it  was  perceived 
that  to  secure  the  largest  returns  from  the  fur 
trade,  a  factor  should  reside  permanently  near  the 

'  Martha  J.  Lamb's  History  of  the  City  of  New  York,  vol.  I, 
p.  35- 


7$  HISTORY   OF  BRULE'S  ^' 

Mohawks  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  and 
contiguous  also  to  the  Mohicans  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river;  so  Christiansen  erected  a  trading  house 
on  "  Castle  Island"  at  the  west  side  of  the  stream, 
a  little  below  the  present  city  of  Albany.  To  the 
small  pest  was  immediately  given  the  name  of 
"  Fort  Nassau."^ 

By  October  nth  of  the  year  last  mentioned, 
so  much  had  the  trade  increased  to  the  Hudson, 
that  a  company  was  chartered  giving  the  mem- 
bers a  special  trading  license  to  "  New  Nether- 
land,"  as  the  region  therein,  for  the  first  time, 
was  called  — ' '  exclusively  to  visit  and  navigate  to 
the  aforesaid  newly- discovered  lands  lying  in 
America,  between  New  France  and  Virginia,  the 
sea-coasts  whereof  extend  from  the  fortieth  to  the 
forty-fifth  degree  of  latitude,  now  named  New 
Netherland,  for  four  voyages  within  the  period  of 
three  years,  commencing  on  January  ist,  1615,  next 
ensuing,  or  sooner.  * '  But  not  until  some  time  in 
the  year  16 16  as  a  result  of  the  presence  of  the 
Dutch  in  '  *  New  Netherland ' '  had  any  of  these 
traders  reached  what  is  now  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

During  the  year  161 5,  the  Dutch  at  Fort  Nassau, 
up  the  Hudson,  continued,  it  is  true,  actively  em- 
ployed in  prosecuting  a  quiet  traffic  with  the  Mo- 
hawks and  Mohicans,  near  that  post;  and  there 
were  doubtless  scouting-parties  exploring  the  coun- 
try to  the  westward  of  Manhattan,  but  none  pene- 

'  Brodhead's  History  of  the  State  of  New  York  (Revised 
Ed.),  vol.  I,  pp.  54,  55,  755,  756.  Mrs.  Lamb,  in  her  work  cited 
in  the  previous  note,  errs  in  giving  (p.  42)  the  date  of  the  found- 
ing of  Fort  Nassau  as  of  161 5. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  79 

trated  so  far  as  actually  to  reach  the  lower  or  even 
middle  portions  of  the  Delaware  river,  where  dwelt 
the  Minquas,  a  nation  of  linguistic  affinity  with 
the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  as  before  mentioned, 
but  their  deadly  enemies  and  known  to  the  latter 
as"Ogehage."' 

It  is  reasonably  certain  that  in  16 14  the  Caran- 
touannais  were  at  peace  with  all  the  tribes  with 
which  the  Dutch  were  trading  except  the  Mohawks ; 
with  the  latter,  a  bitter  war  was  raging  as  with  all 
the  other  nations  forming  the  league  or  confeder- 
acy known  to  the  French  afterwards  as  the  Iro- 
quois. It  is  highly  probable,  therefore,  that  the 
three  Dutch  prisoners  taken  in  16 14  by  the  Caran- 
touannais  (but  delivered  up  because  they  were  sup- 
posed to  be  Frenchmen)  were,  at  the  time  of  their 
capture,  engaged  with  the  Mohawks,  having  joined 
the  latter  from  Fort  Nassau,  up  the  Hudson.  As 
the  war  was  doubtless  carried  on  to  the  northeast- 
ward of  Carantouan,  it  is  not  at  all  likely  that  these 
Dutchmen,  while  on  the  war-path  with  the  "  Ma- 
quaas  "  (Mohawks),  saw  any  portion  of  what  is  now 
the  territory  included  within  the  boundaries  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania.     The  way,  chen,  was  clear- 

'  These  Minquas  were  Southern  Iroquois  (see  Appendix,  Note 
XV),  and  the  very  next  year  (161 6)  they  captured  three  Dutch 
explorers,  who,  however,  were  soon  given  up.  These  Dutchmen 
were  from  Fort  Nassau  up  the  Hudson,  and  had  gone  down  the 
Delaware  early  in  the  season  to  about  the  locality  of  the  present 
city  of  Philadelphia,  when  they  were  made  prisoners  by  the 
Minquas.  That  chey  went  so  far  on  the  river  before  being 
captured  is  strong  evidence  that  the  Carantouannais  were  not 
located  on  the  upper  portions  of  it.  (Consult,  in  this  connection, 
E.  B.  O'Callighan's  Documents  Relating  to  the  Colonial  His- 
tory of  the  State  of  New  York,  vol.  I,  pp.  13,  14;  also,  Brod- 
head's  History  of  the  State  of  New  York  (Revised  Ed.),  vol.  I, 
pp.  78,  79). 


80  HISTORY   OF   BRULli'S 

ly  open,  in  the  autumn  of  1615,  for  Brn\6  to  be- 
come its  first  explorer  (if,  indeed,  he  was  not  the 
first  white  man  to  set  foot  upon  its  soil) ;  and  that 
he  succeeded  in  the  enterprise,  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt. 

"  Brule,"  says  Champlain  in  speaking  of  how 
his  interpreter  spent  the  winter  after  his  return 
from  the  Onondaga  fort  to  Carantouan,  "  made  a 
tour  along  a  river  that  flows  in  the  direction  of 
Florida,  where  are  many  powerful  and  warlike 
nations,  carrying  on  wars  against  each  other.  The 
climate  there  is  very  temperate,  and  there  are  a 
great  number  of  animals  and  abundance  of  small 
game.  But  to  traverse  and  ^^ch  these  regions 
requires  patience,  on  account  ot  .e  difficulties  in- 
volved in  passing  the  extensive  wastes. 

' '  He  continued  his  course  along  the  river  as  far 
as  the  sea,  also  to  islands  and  to  lands  near  them, 
which  are  inhabited  by  various  and  populous  tribes 
of  savages  who  are  well  disposed  and  love  the 
French  above  all  other  white  people.  But  those 
who  know  the  Dutch  complain  severely  of  them, 
since  they  treat  them  very  roughly.  Among  other 
things,  he  observed  that  the  winter  was  very  tem- 
perate, that  it  snowed  very  rarely,  and  that  when 
it  did  the  snow  was  not  a  foot  deep  and  melted 
immediately. 

"  After  traversing  the  country  and  observing 
what  was  noteworthy,  he  returned  to  the  village 
of  Carantouan,  in  order  to  find  an  escort  for  re- 
turning to  our  settlement  [on  the  St.  Lawrence] .  "  ^ 

The  conclusion  is  inevitable  that  the  "  river  that 
flows  in  the  direction  of  Florida  "  was  the  Susque- 

'Champlain's  Ftya^^J  of  1618  (ed.  of  1619). 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  8 1 

hanna,  along  which  Brul''*  "  made  a  tour."  From 
the  Onondaga  fort  assailed  by  Champlain  and  his 
Hurons,  a  three  days'  journey  south  would  bring 
Brul6  to  no  other  stream  flowing  toward  Florida 
but  that  river ;  and  such  would  be  the  fact  if  the 
stronghold  just  mentioned  had  been  located  a  con- 
siderable distance  farther  to  the  westward  than 
the  vicinity  of  the  present  city  of  Syracuse,  New 
York.  It  could  not  have  been  the  Delaware ;  for 
the  waters  of  this  stream  are  to  the  southeastward 
and  too  distant.^  "  Bruld  now  returned,"  says 
a  recent  writer,  "  with  them  [the  five  hundred 
Carantouannais]  to  Carantouan,  and,  with  enter- 
prise worthy  of  his  commander,  spent  the  winter 
[of  i6i  5  -  i6]  in  a  tour  of  exploration.  Descending 
a  river,  evidently  the  Susquehanna,  he  followed  it 
to  its  junction  with  the  sea,"  ^  —  Champlain  doubt- 
less considering  the  Chesapeake,  from  what  Brul^ 
had  narrated,  an  enlargement  of  the  Susquehanna 
until  the  Atlantic  was  reached  by  him.'' 

As  the  savages  then  occupying  the  valley  of  the 
Susquehanna,  even  as  far  south  as  its  mouth,  were, 
as  hereafter  shown,  of  the  same  linguistic  family, 
Brul6  must  have  found  little  difficulty  in  conversing 
with  them,  as  they  all  spoke  dialects  similar  to 
that  of  the  Huron,  with  which,  as  already  ex- 
plained, he  was  familiar:  and  as  all  were  of  the 
Iroquois  stock,  they  (and  including  other  nations 

'  Upon  Champlain's  Map  of  16:^2,  the  Carantouannais  are  lo- 
cated on  the  Delaware  —  an  error,  which,  considering  the  imper- 
fect information  he  then  had  of  the  locality,  is  not  at  all  surpris- 
ing. 

'  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p.  378. 

' See  Appendix,  Note  XIV.  ,..;„__  s^.,^^,--h-^ 


8a  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

beyond)  may,  with  propriety,  be  classified,  in  view 
of  their  general  location,  Southern  Iroquois.' 

That  the  Carantouannais,  as  we  have  already 
suggested,  had  a  village  farther  down  the  Susque- 
hanna valley  than  Carantouan,  seems  probable. 

"  At  Wyoming,"  says  a  recent  writer,  "  were 
the  Scahentoarrunon,  or  People  of  the  Great  Flats; 
on  the  West  Branch  [of  the  Susquehanna]  were 
the  Otzinachson,  or  people  of  the  Demons'  Dens; 
on  the  Juniata  were  the  Onojutta-Haga,  or  Stand- 
ing Stone  people;  below  the  mountains,  on  the 
river  [Susquehanna]  and  branches,  were  the  Sus- 
quehannocks,  extending  to  the  Potomac  river.'""* 

It  is  only  of  the  last  mentioned  that  we  have  any 
particular  account  of  immediately  (as  we  may  say) 
preceding  the  year  1615.  Captain  Smith's  curi- 
osity to  see  them,  after  the  Tockwoghs  had  assured 
him  they  had  obtained  from  them  the  "  hatchets, 
knives  and  pieces  of  iron  and  brass  ' '  exhibited  to 
the  English,  must  have  been  great,  as  we  would 
naturally  suppose;  hence  his  sending  the  two 
Tockwoghs  to  their  homes  asking  them  to  visit  him 
and  his  party  at  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna. 
The  Captain  declares  the  "  Sasquesahanocks " 
' '  could  make  near  six  hundred  able  men,  and 
are  pallisaded  in  their  towns  to  defend  them  from 
the  Massawomeks,  their  mortal  enemies."  The 
location  of  their  principal  village  is  uncertain.^ 

'  See  Appendix,  Note  XV.  ,' 

'  Prof.  A.  L.  Guss,  in  the  Historical  Register,  vol.  I,  p.  42. 

'"It  is  claimed,"  says  Prof.  Guss,  "that  this  chief  town  [of 
the  '  Sasquesahanocks ']  was  always  near  the  mouth  of  Conestoga 
creek.  As  we  know  that  the  location  of  such  Indian  towns  were 
often  changed    .     .     .    and  as  we  know  there  was  a  '  Sasque- 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  83 

"  Sixty  of  these  Sasquesahanocks, "  says  Smith 
(we  modernize  his  spelling), ' '  came  to  us  with  skins, 
bows,  arrows,  targets,  beads,  swords,  and  tobacco 
pipes  for  presents.  Such  great  and  well-propor- 
tioned men  are  seldom  seen,  for  they  seemed  like 
giants  to  the  English,  yea  and  to  the  neighbors 
[the  Tockwoghs],  yet  seemed  of  an  honest  and 
simple  disposition,  with  much  ado  restrained  from 
adoring  us  as  gods. 

"  These  are  the  strangest  people  of  all  these 
countries,  both  in  language  and  attire;  for  their 
language  it  may  well  become  their  proportions, 
sounding  from  them  as  a  voice  in  a  vault.  Their 
attire  is  the  skins  of  bears  and  wolves,  some  have 
cossacks  made  of  bears'  heads  and  skins  that  a 
man's  head  goes  through  the  skins  and  neck,  and 
the  ears  of  the  bear  fastened  to  his  shoulders,  the 
nose  and  teeth  hanging  down  his  breast,  another 
bear's  split  behind  him,  and  at  the  end  of  the  nose 
hung  a  paw,  the  half  sleeves  coming  to  the  elbows 
were  the  necks  of  bears,  and  the  arms  through 
the  mouth  with  paws  hanging  at  their  noses.  One 
had  the  head  of  a  wolf  hanging  in  a  chain  for  a 
jewel,  his  tobacco  pipe  three-quarters  of  a  yard 
long,  prettily  carved  with  a  bird,  a  deer,  or  some 
such  devise  at  the  great  end,  sufficient  to  beat  out 

bannocks  new  town '  where  '  some  falls  below  hinder  navigation,' 
about  1648;  and  that '  the  present  Sasquahana  Fort,'  in  1670,  was 
on  the  southside  of  the  river  below  the  '  greatest  fal,'  now  known 
as  the  Conewago  Falls ;  and  as  they  had  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Octoraro,  perhaps  as  early  as  1662,  it  is  impossible  to  exactly 
locate  the  town  designated  by  Smith."— //t'siort'ca/  Register, 
vol.  I,  p.  165.  It  will  be  noticed,  however,  that  Smith  declares 
they,  the  "Sasquesahanocks,"  had  more  than  one  palisaded 
town. 


84  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

one's  brains :  with  bows,  arrows  and  clubs  suitable 
to  their  greatness." 

"  On  the  east  side  of  the  [Chesapeake],"  con- 
tinues Smith,  ' '  is  the  river  Tockwogh  [now,  as 
before  explained,  known  as  the  Sassafras  river], 
and  upon  it  a  people  that  can  make  one  hundred 
men,  seated  some  seven  miles  within  the  river 
[that  is  —  up  from  ics  mouth]:  where  they  have  a 
fort  very  well  palisaded  and  manteled  with  barks 
of  trees.  Next  them  is  Ozinies  with  sixty  men." 
The  nation  below  the  one  last  named  was  the 
'  •  Kuscarawaocks ' '  (afterward  known  as  the  * '  Nan- 
ticokes"),  "a  people  with  two  hundred  men." 
Farther  down  were  the  Wighcocomicos  (Wicomi- 
cos),  "  a  people  with  one  hundred  men."  And  of 
two  nations  still  farther  south  on  the  same  side  of 
the  bay  Smith  says :  ' '  But  they  [who]  are  on  the 
river  Acohanock  with  forty  men,  and  they  of  [the] 
Accomack  [with]  eighty  men,  doth  equalize  [equal] 
any  [of  those  in]  the  territories  of  Powhatan,  and 
speak  his  language, —  who  over  all  these  doth  rule 
as  king. ' '  ^ 

It  is  evident  that  not  only  the  *'  Sasquesaha- 
nocks  "  but  the  "  Tockwoghs  "  were  of  Iroquois 
stock  (for  both  stockaded  their  towns) ;  ^  while  the 
other  nations  below  on  the  east  side  of  the  bay 

•Smith's  Ginerall  Historie  of  Virginia,  p.  5.  Arber's  Re- 
-print,  p.  350.  It  seems  highly  probable  that  the  estimate  of 
Smith  as  to  the  number  of  men  of  each  nation  was  restricted  to 
the  town  visited  by  him.  His  estimate  of  the  ' '  Sasquesahanocks ' ' 
was  probably  with  reference  to  their  principal  town  only,  from 
their  report 

•Prof.  Guss  (in  the  Historical  Register,  vol.  I,  pp.  120,  lai), 
thinks  the  "Tockwoghs"  were  Algonquin:  "The  Tockwocks 
were  most  probably  a  branch  of  the  Nanticokes,  but  possibly 


DISCOVERIES  AND   EXPLORATIONS.  8$ 

were  (unless  the  "  Ozinies  "  be  excepted)  Algon- 
quins.  But  Brul6  could  have  had  no  difficulty  in 
talking  with  any  or  all  these  people,  as  he  could 
hold  converse  equally  well  with  those  of  Iroquois 
or  Algonquin  lineage.  - 

So  many  of  the  Southern  Iroquois  as  were  visited 
by  Brul6  were  doubtless  told  by  him  of  the  aid 
the  French  were  giving  the  Hurons,  the  allies  of 
the  Carantouacnais ;  and  this  (although  some  may 
have  known  the  fact),  of  course,  secured  kind  treat- 
ment to  him  from  all  of  them. 

But  did  Brul€  reach  the  ocean  in  his  explora- 
tion? He  told  Champlain  he  went  as  far  as  the 
sea.  He  would  not  likely  have  mistaken  Chesa- 
peake bay  for  the  Atlantic.  He  speaks,  as  we 
have  seen,  of  islands  which  he  visited ;  of  these, 
in  the  bay  and  near  by,  it  is  well  known,  there  are 
many.  None  could  have  been  found  had  the  ex- 
plorer gone  no  farther  than  the  mouth  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna.^ 

Some  Indians,  doubtless  on  the  Chesapeake,  told 
Brul6  that  they  were  acquainted  with  white  men 
who  treated  them  '  *  very  roughly ; ' '  and  this  T/^as 
repeated  by  Brul6  to  Champlain;  the  latter,  tak- 

Dela wares,  and  certainly  of  the  Algonquin  family."  But  he 
forgets  what  he  has  previously  written  (p.  47):  "The  Algon- 
quins  seldom  had  any  fortifications  and  then  only  of  the  rudest 
construction.  The  Iroquois  generally  had  well  palisaded 
towns." 

'  "  Georgian  Bay  and  the  Chesapeake  were  thus  connected  by 
Bnil6  in  the  spring  of  1616,  but  there  were  no  newspapers  in 
those  days;  consequently  there  was  no  fame  —  no  eclat — around 
the  poor  explorer.  He  played  the  part  of  Stanley  in  Africa,  but 
he  added  neither  a  title  to  his  humble  rank  of  interpreter,  nor  a 
penny  to  his  purse.  At  the  age  of  twenty-two,  he  had  achieved 
a  great  Canadian  work." — Suite. 


86  HISTORY   OF   BRUL:6'S 

ing  it  for  granted  they  were  "  Flamens"  (Dutch), 
so  reported,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  recital  of  his 
interpreter's  story.  But  the  Dutch,  in  1615,  had 
no  trafl&c  with  the  Indians  upon  either  the  Susque- 
hanna river  or  Chesapeake  bay.  The  white  men 
then  spoken  of  by  the  savages  were  probably  the 
English  upon  the  James  river,  who,  it  is  well 
known,  had  for  some  time  treated  several  tribes 
"  very  roughly."  Champlain  was  ignorant  of  the 
Jamestown  settlement.  Brul6,  therefore,  could 
not  have  gone  any  farther  than  Cape  Charles,  un- 
less he  made  a  flying  trip  up  the  coast  to  the 
islands  lying  to  the  northeastward.  Indeed,  the 
time  of  his  absence  from  Carantouan  precludes  the 
idea  of  any  farther  exploration  by  him. 

So,  the  indomitable  explorer,  Brul6,  having 
spent  the  winter  —  which  was  "  very  temperate," 
where  "  snow  fell  very  rarely,  and  when  it  did  it 
was  not  a  foot  deep  and  melted  immediately  ' ' —  in 
traveling  through  what  is  now  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania—  a  country  never  before  explored  by 
a  white  man,  in  "  observing  what  was  note- 
worthy," and  in  journeying  across  what  is  now 
Maryland  and  even  into  the  present  Virginia, — 
returned  to  Carantouan  for  guides  to  conduct  him 
back  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  or  at  least  to  the  country 
of  the  Hurons.^ 

'  "  Now  you  have  the  name  [Brul6]  of  the  first  European  who 
visited  the  vast  domain  which  W.  Penn  called  after  his  own. 
more  than  sixty  years  afterwards." — Suite. 


r  CHAPTER  VII. 

RETURN    OF    BRUL^    TO    THE    ST.    LAWRENCE. —  HIS 
REMARKABLE    ESCAPE   FROM   TORTURE. 

Brul6  tarried  awhile  at  Carantouan  after  having 
explored  the  Susquehanna  river  and  Chesapeake 
bay,  when  five  or  six  Carantouannais  concluded  to 
act  as  guides  for  him  back  to  the  Huron  villages. 
The  route  taken  was  again  through  the  country  of 
the  Senecas  and,  probably,  not  far  from  the  course 
followed  by  him  when  he  came  with  his  twelve 
Hurons  to  the  Carantouannais  the  year  previous.^ 
Again  he  met  the  enemy,  but  this  time,  having 
fewer  protectors  and  the  Senecas  being  in  consid- 
erable numbers,  the  result  was  very  different  from 
the  hostile  meeting  which  took  place  on  his  jour- 
ney outward.  Then,  it  was  a  few  Iroquois  who 
were  captured ;  now,  it  was  the  white  man  and  his 
guides  —  who  were  forced  to  flee  for  their  lives.** 

The  Senecas,  seeing  how  few  there  were  of  the 
stiangers,  at  once  charged  upon  them, —  so  cour- 
ageously, indeed,  as  to  scatter  the  little  party. 
There  was  no  time  for  rallying,  although  the  Car- 
antouannais soon  embodied  themselves  and  pur- 
sued their  journey  without  loss  of  life,  but  with- 

1  Brul4  must  have  left  Carantouan  for  his  homeward  trip 
about  April  ist  (1616). 

'There  is  no  information  extant  as  to  how  many  days  the 
party  had  traveled  before  the  enemy  were  discovered;  it  was 
probably  not  less  than  three  or  four,  judging  from  the  dis- 
tance intervening  between  Carantouan  and  the  Seneca  country. 


88  HISTORY  OF  BRULE'S 

out  Brul^,  who  had  purposely  kept  away  from  his 
guides  in  hopes  the  more  surely  to  escape  from 
the  foe.  As  he  was  now  alone  in  the  interminable 
woods  and  greatly  bewildered,  he  could  not  return 
to  Carantouan,  neither  could  he  find  a  trail  leading 
in  any  direction  whatever,  nor  any  sign  which 
might  help  him,  so  that  he  could  effect  his  retreat 
back  to  the  Carantouannais.  Hopelessly  he  wan- 
dered about  for  several  days  with  nothing  to  eat. 
The  pangs  of  hunger  were  g^eat,  and  he  came 
well-nigh  giving  up  in  despair,  when  finally  he  saw 
a  gleam  of  hope :  it  was  an  Indian  foot-path  that 
he  had  discovered,  and  his  spirits  revived.  v 

Brul6,  distressed  as  he  was,  determined  to  follow  "? 
the  trail  he  had  found,  for  better  or  for  worse  — 
whichever  way  it  might  lead  —  wherever  it  might 
go  —  whether  towards  his  friends  or  his  foes ;  for  he 
would  rather  trust  to  his  enemies  than  to  perish 
in  the  wilderness  alone  and  most  wretchedly, 
as  he  knew  he  would  unless  help  came  in  some 
shape.  ^ 

There  was  a  thought  which  encouraged  him  — 
he  knew  he  could,  by  effort,  make  any  Iroquois 
into  whose  hands  he  might  fall  understand  what 

'  "  When,  in  the  spring,  he  [Brul6]  returned  to  Carantouan,  five 
or  six  of  the  Indians  offered  to  guide  him  towards  his  country- 
men. Less  fortunate  than  before,  he  encountered  on  the  way  a 
band  of  Iroquois,  who,  rushing  upon  the  party,  scattered  them 
through  the  woods.  Brul£  ran  like  the  rest  The  cries  of  pur- 
suers and  pursued  died  away  in  the  distance.  The  forest  was 
still  around  him.  He  was  lost  in  the  shady  labyrinth.  For  three 
or  four  days  he  wandered,  helpless  and  famished,  till  at  length 
he  found  an  Indian  foot-path,  and  choosing  between  starvation 
and  the  Iroquois,  desperately  followed  it  to  throw  himself  on 
their  mercy  [if  by  those  Indians  he  should  be  captured]." — 
Parkman:    Pioneers  of  France   in   the   New   World,  p.  378. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  89 

he  would  say  io  them,  which  possibly  would  save 
his  life. 

It  was  not  long  that  Brul6  traveled  upon  the 
path  before  he  discovered,  on  their  way  to  their  vil- 
lage, three  Seneca  Indians  loaded  with  fish.  He 
ran  after  them  and  approaching  them  made  the 
depths  of  the  forest  ring  with  a  shout,  according  to 
the  custom  of  savages,  to  attract  their  attention. 
The  three  turned  to  see  who  had  thus  signaled 
them,  when,  beholding  a  white  man,  they  were 
made  afraid  and  would  have  thrown  down  their 
loads  and  fled  had  not  Brul6  called  to  them,  which 
gave  them  assarance  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear.* 

They  laid  down  their  bows  and  arrows,  indicat- 
ing they  were  not  disposed  to  attack  the  stranger, 
and  Brul6  thereupon  laid  down  his  arms  in  token 
also  of  his  being  inclined  to  peace.* 

Brul6,  on  coming  up  to  the  three  savages,  related 
to  them,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  story  of  his  mis- 
fortune; explained  to  them  his  miserable  condi- 
tion,—  how  weak  and  feeble  he  was,  not  having 
tasted  food  for  three  or  four  days.     Pity  and  com- 

■  "  He  [Brul£]  soon  saw  three  Indians  in  the  distance,  laden 
with  fish  newly  caught,  and  called  to  them  in  the  Huron  tongue, 
which  was  radically  similar  to  that  of  the  Iroquois:  "  Parkman, 
loc.  cit.  That  the  fish  were  *'  newly  caught."  is  highly  probable, 
but  Champlain  does  not  so  declare;  neither  does  he  say  that 
Brul6  called  to  the  savages  "  in  the  Huron  tongue;"  such,  how- 
ever, was  doubtless  the  fact,  notwithstanding  he  (Champlain) 
affirms  in  this  connection  that  Brul6  knew  how  to  speak  their 
(the  Iroquois)  language.  It  is  fair  to  presume  he  could  only, 
by  persevering  effort,  aided  by  signs  and  the  use  of  "  the  Huron 
tongue  which  was  radically  similar  "  to  their  own,  make  them 
comprehend  what  he  was  saying. 

*  It  seems  altogether  certain  that  Brul6  was  only  armed  with 
bow  and  arrows,  as  was  each  Iroquois  he  was  now  approaching. 


90  HISTORY   OF   BRULlfe'S 

passion  were  at  once  aroused  in  the  breasts  of  the 
Indians ;  he  was  offered  a  pipe  and  they  smoked 
together  according  to  Indian  custom.  He  was  then 
conducted  to  their  village,  where  he  was  given 
something  to  eat  and  kindly  tendered  every  assist- 
ance in  his  distress.^ 

Although  Brule's  guides  (the  five  or  six  Caran- 
touannais)  had  escaped  from  their  enemies  and 
had  lost  their  white  companion.,  they  nevertheless 
proceeded  on  their  way  to  the  Hurons,  arriving 
at  Cahiagu6  on  April  22nd.  They  communicated 
to  Champlain,  who  was  at  that  village,  informa- 
tion of  Brul^,  whom  they  said  they  had  left  on  the 
road,  he  having  returned,  for  some  reason,  to 
Carantouan  —  this  latter  assertion  being,  of  course, 
only  a  guess  on  their  part.  Naturally,  they  be- 
lieved if  he  escaped  with  his  life  and  was  not 
captured  he  would  find  little  difficulty  in  making 
his  way  back  to  the  place  of  starting.^ 

But  to  return  to  the  Seneca  village  and  to  Brul6, 
whose  distress  had  so  providentially  been  relieved. 
No  sooner  had  the  savage  occupants  of  the  place 

>  It  is  probable  that  the  Seneca  village  to  which  Brul6  was 
guided  was  located  near  the  Genesee  river,  possibly  in  the  pres- 
ent county  of  Livingston,  New  York.  It  seems  altogether  evi- 
dent, because  of  Brul6  having  met  hostile  Iroquois  near  one  of 
their  villages,  that  he  and  his  guides  were  not  returning  in  the 
wide  circuit, —  the  "grand  detour" — which  has  before  been 
spoken  of  as  being  sometimes  taken  by  the  Carantouannais  in 
journeying  to  the  Hurons. 

'As  to  any  farther  information  having  been  obtained  from 
these  savages  concerning  his  absent  interpreter,  Champlain  is 
silent.  It  would  be  strange  indeed  did  he  not  question  them  as 
to  Brule's  whereabouts  during  the  winter  that  had  just  passed 
and  as  to  the  march  of  the  five  hundred  Carantouannais  to 
aid  him  and  his  Hurons  against  the  Onondagas,  though  he 
seems  not  to  have  gained  from  them  the  reason  for  the  delay. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  9I 

learned  that  an  ' '  Adoresetoiiy  ' '  had  arrived  (that 
was  the  name  they  had  given  the  French,  signify- 
ing "  men  of  iron"),  than  they  quickly  assembled 
and  in  great  numbers  to  see  the  white  man.  He 
was  taken  to  the  cabin  of  one  of  the  principal 
chiefs,  where  he  was  closely  questioned:  "  Whence 
came  you  ?  What  circumstances  drove  you  hither  ? 
How  did  you  happen  to  lose  your  way?  Do  you 
not  belong  to  the  Adoresetoiiy,  who  make  war 
upon  us?"  To  all  these  queries  he  made  prompt 
reply ;  —  particularly  was  he  careful  to  say  that  he 
belonged  to  a  better  nation  than  the  French,  which 
nation  was  yearning  to  make  their  acquaintance 
and  to  make  them  their  friends.  But  the  wily  sav- 
ages did  not  believe  what  he  said.  They  threw 
themselves  upon  him  —  they  tore  out  his  nails  with 
their  teeth  —  they  burnt  him  with  glowing  fire- 
brands —  they  plucked  out  his  beard :  all  of  which 
was  contrary  to  the  will  of  their  chief  .^  ,    ■:■-     ■ 

It  is  evident  from  Champlain's  narrative  of  what 
he  was  told  by  Brul^,  that  the  fierce  Senecas  had 
already  begun  the  customary  torture  inflicted  by 
savages  upon  prisoners.     Brul6  was  a  Catholic,  al- 

•"A  crowd  gathered  about  him  [Brul^].  'Whence  do  you 
come?  Are  you  not  one  of  the  Frenchmen,  the  men  of  iron,  who 
make  war  on  us? '  Brul6  answered  that  he  was  of  a  nation  bet- 
ter than  the  French  and  fast  friends  of  the  Iroquois.  His  captors, 
incredulous,  tied  him  to  a  tree,  tore  out  his  beard  by  handfulls, 
and  burned  him  with  firebrands,  while  their  chief  vainly  inter- 
posed in  his  behalf. — Parkman;  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World,  pp.  378,  379.  Champlain  does  not  say  that  Brule  was 
tied  to  a  tree ;  Sagard,  who,  also,  as  will  presently  be  seen,  had 
the  account  from  the  lips  of  Brule  some  years  after,  says  he 
was  stretched  on  the  ground.  It  will  be  noticed  that  Parkman 
omits  mention  of  Brul^  having  had  his  nails  torn  out.  He 
changes  Champlain's  words  as  to  the  plucking  out  of  his  beard 
"hair  by  hair  "to  "by  handfulls  " —  which  is  more  probable. 


92  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 


> 


though,  it  seems,  not  very  devout.  He  wore  upon 
his  breast  an  Agnus  Dei,  which  was  attached  to  his 
neck.  This  was  now  observed  by  one  of  the  sav- 
ages, who,  after  asking  him  what  it  was,  at  once 
made  an  attempt  to  seize  it  and  pull  it  off.  But 
Brul^  resisted  this,  and  with  courageous  words  re- 
plied :  "  If  you  take  it  and  kill  me  you  will  your- 
self immediately  die  —  you  and  all  your  kin." 
But  the  Indian  persisted  in  his  ' '  malicious  pur- 
pose." However,  before  accomplishing  his  work, 
there  came  relief  to  the  suffering  white  man  from 
a  source  as  sudden  as  it  was  unexpected. 

It  was  a  fair  day  —  the  heavens  were  serene  — 
waen,  as  unlooked  for  by  Brul6  as  it  was  astonish- 
ing to  the  savages,  "  darkness  brooded  o'er  the 
scene;"  —  there  were  great  and  thick  clouds  in 
the  sky,  and  quickly  followed  "  thunders  and  light- 
nings so  violent  and  long-continued  that  it  was 
something  strange  and  awful."  Never  before  had 
the  Indians  seen  or  heard  anything  like  it  —  it  was 
a  most  frightful  storm.  The  savages  were  filled 
with  terror.  They  lost  their  interest  in  the  ter- 
rible work  of  putting  the  white  man  to  death. 
They  fled  from  him  without  even  unbinding  him ; 
for  they  were  now  mortally  afraid  of  him.  There- 
upon Brul6  called  in  gentle  words  to  them,  making 
them,  however,  to  understand  that  the  Great  Spirit 
was  angry  with  them  for  their  treatment  of  him.^ 

'Six  years  or  more  after  relating  these  facts  to  Champlain, 
Brul6  gave  to  Friar  Sagard  the  same  particulars.  The  latter 
published  them  in  1636,  in  his  History  of  Canada,  substantially 
the  same  as  reported  to  Champlain.  In  speaking  of  the  inter- 
preter having  become  separated  from  his  Carantouannais  glides, 
he  says  in  effect: 

"  Brul£  slept  several  nights  in  the  woods  until  one  mornings 


■*■' 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  93 

The  Seneca  chief  now  kindly  unbound  the  pris- 
oner, escorted  him  to  his  lodge,  where  he  took  care 
of  him  and  dressed  his  wounds.^  After  this,  there 
was  no  dance,  no  feast,  no  merry-making,  to  which 
Brul6  was  not  invited. '^ 

After  remaining  some  time  in  the  Iroquois  vil- 
lage, Brul€  determined  to  again  start  for  the  French 
settlement  upon  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  pursue  his 

having  found  a  beaten  path,  he  followed  it,  reaching  a  village 
of  Iroquois,  where  he  was  immediately  seized  and  taken 
prisoner,  and  afterwards  condemned  to  death  by  their  council. 
The  poor  man,  very  much  frightened,  did  not  know  to  which 
saint  he  could  give  himself;  for,  to  hope  for  mercy,  he  knew  very 
well  he  could  not,  and  so  he  had  recourse  to  God  and  to  patience, 
and  submitted  himself  to  the  Divine  wishes  more  because  he  was 
obliged  to  than  otherwise,  fur  he  was  not  devout,  judging  by 
what  he  told  us. 

"One  day  having  found  himself  in  g^eat  danger  of  death,  all 
the  prayer  he  said  was  his  Benedictus,  but  I  do  not  know 
whether  he  said  it  here.  Being  about  to  die  (for  already  they 
had  stretched  him  on  the  earth  and  \^ere  pulling  out  his  beard), 
and  one  of  the  savages  seeing  the  Agnus  Dei  which  he  carried 
hanging  around  his  neck,  and  wanting  to  take  it  from  him, 
Brul^  began  to  shout  and  yell  and  told  his  tormentors  that  if  they 
took  it  from  him,  God  would  punish  them,  as  God  did  accord- 
ingly ;  for,  no  sooner  had  they  put  their  hands  on  it  to  take  it 
from  his  neck  than  the  heavens  which  had  been  until  now  cloud- 
less, grew  stormy  all  at  once  and  sent  forth  so  much  lightning, 
so  much  thunder,  and  made  so  much  noise  that  the  savages  be- 
lieved themselves  to  be  at  their  last  day  and  ran  into  their  wig- 
wams, leaving  their  prisoner  alone." — (See  Appendix  to  our  Nar- 
rative, Note  XXII  [c],  where  the  words  of  Sagard  are  given  in 
French,  as  originally  printed,  and  then  translated  with  some 
variations  from  the  above.) 

'Champlain  says:  "The  chief  then  approached  Brul6,"  etc., 
meaning,  clearly,  that  it  was  the  one  who  was  opposed  to  his 
people  torturing  their  prisoner,  and  who  now  unbound  him. 

•Thus  Parkman  (Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p. 
379):  "  The  day  was  hot,  and  one  of  those  thunder-gusts  which 
often  succeed  the  fierce  heats  of  an  American  midsummer  wa& 
rising  against  the  sky.    Brul6  pointed  to  the  inky  clouds  as 


94  HISTORY   OF   BRULlt'S 

journey  by  way  of  the  Huron  villages.'  The  Sene- 
cas  proffered  guides  to  conduct  him  some  distance 
on  his  way ;  and  he  was  conducted  by  them  four 
days,  when,  it  is  believed,  the  mouth  of  the  Niag- 
ara river  was  reached.  From  this  point  he  could 
not,  though  alone,  fail  in  reaching  in  safety  the 
Huron  country  and  its  scenes,  with  which  he  was 
familiar;  so  his  guides  there  left  him.^ 

Before  departing  from  the  village  where  he  had 
so  fortuitously  escaped  death  by  torture,  Brul6 
assured  the  Iroquois  he  would  bring  about  friend- 
ly relations  between  them  and  the  French  and 
their  enemies,  the  Hurons  and  their  allies  —  prom- 
ising to  return  to  them  that  they  might  swear 
friendship  with  each  other.*^ 

tokens  of  the  anger  of  his  God.  The  storm  broke,  and,  as  the 
celestial  artillery  boomed  over  their  darkening  forests,  the  Iro- 
quois were  stricken  with  a  superstitious  terror.  All  fled  from 
the  spot,  leaving  their  victim  still  bound  fast,  until  the  chief  who 
had  endeavored  to  protect  him  returned,  cut  the  cords,  and  lead- 
ing him  to  his  lodge  dressed  his  wounds.  Thenceforth  there  was 
neither  dance  nor  feast  to  which  Brule  was  not  mvited." 

■  The  exact  time  of  his  leaving  is  unknown,  but  it  could  not 
have  been  much  before  the  first  of  June  (1616). 

'  Assuming  the  Seneca  village  to  have  been  not  far  to  the  east- 
ward of  the  Genesee  river,  four  days'  travel  would  be  sufficient 
to  bring  Brule  to  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  as  above  suggested. 

*"Brul6  had  an  eventful  life.  While  trying  with  a  small  party 
of  Indians  to  reach  the  Huron  country,  they  were  attacked  and 
scattered.  Brule  at  last  fell  in  with  a  few  Iroquois  going  to  the 
fields,  and  endeavored  to  approach  them  in  a  friendly  way, 
assuring  them  that  he  was  not  of  the  nation  that  had  just 
attacked  them.  They  treated  him  as  a  prisoner  and  proceeded 
to  torture  him.  As  they  endeavored  to  tear  a  religious  object 
from  his  neck,  he  threatened  them  with  the  vengeance  of  Heaven. 
A  sudden  clap  of  thunder  with  vivid  lightning  was  to  their 
mind  a  fulfillment  of  his  threat.  He  was  released,  his  wounds 
cured,  and  a  party  of  warriors  escorted  him  for  several  days." — 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  95 

Brul6  soon  reached  the  Hurons  *  to  find,  of 
course,  great  good-will  toward  himself,  but  his 
patron  —  Champlain  —  had,  on  the  twentieth  of 
May,  started  back  to  the  St.  Lawrence ;  so  he  re- 
solved to  tarry  with  the  savages  for  a  time. 

Champlain,  from  what  he  had  learned  from  the 
five  or  six  Carantouannais  who  had  escaped  from 
the  attack  of  the  Senecas  while  acting  as  guides 
to  Brul6,  expected  the  latter  would  soon  return  to 
the  Huron  country;  and  he  left  word,  it  seems, 
before  his  departure  for  the  St.  Lawrence,  for 
his  interpreter  to  continue  his  explorations  —  this 
time  to  the  northward  and  northwestward  of  the 
Hurons;  as  there  were  rumors  of  wars  between 
various  tribes  in  those  regions,  which,  should  re- 
ports be  verified,  would  interfere  with  the  yearly 
visit  of  the  savages  to  the  French  settlements  to 
barter  their  furs.'-^  But  Brul^  was  content  to  rest 
for  a  season  from  his  severe  work  of  exploration 
to  recuperate  after  so  much   suffering.     Finally, 

John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  The  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History 
and  Biography,  vol.  II,  p.  108.  It  is  seldom  that  Mr.  Shea,  when 
it  comes  to  a  matter  of  translation  from  the  French,  is  in  error; 
but  that  Brule  fell  in  with  a  few  Iroquois  going  to  the  fields  is 
not  in  accordance  with  Champlain's  account  as  given  him  by 
Brul6. 

'  Champlain  speaks  of  them  as  "the  Atinouaentans, "  using  the 
term  as  synonymous  with  the  later  one  —  "  the  Hurons  " :  "  He 
[Brul6]  went  to  the  country  and  village  of  the  Atinouaentans, 
where  I  had  already  been. "    The  village  was,  probably,  Toanch6. 

'  Such  is  the  only  meaning  we  can  givo  to  Champlain's  words, 
which,  although  vague,  are,  in  the  light  of  future  events,  most 
probable.  He  says  (the  italicising  is  mine):  '*  And  if  Brul6  had 
gone  further  on  to  explore  these  regions  as  J  had  directed  him  to 
do,  it  would  not  have  been  a  mere  rumor  that  they  were  prepar- 
ing war  with  one  another. ' '  (Champlain  is  speaking,  of  course, 
in  1618.) 


^6  HISTORY   OF  BRULfi'S 

without  undertaking  other  researches,  after  remain- 
ing with  the  Hurons  for  many  months,  he  con- 
cluded first  to  visit  the  settlements  of  his  country- 
men before  again  seeking  to  explore  new  and  dis- 
tant countries  —  before  again  making  the  acquaint- 
ance of  strange  tribes  and  risking  his  life  among 
them.  So,  in  the  summer  of  1618  (after  eight 
years  of  continuous  service  in  the  wilderness),* 
joining  his  savage  friends,  who  were  ready  to  start 
upon  their  yearly  visit  to  the  French  upon  the  St. 
Lawrence,  Brul6,  journeying  by  way  of  the  Geor- 
gian bay  of  Lake  Huron  —  boating  for  ten  days 
along  its  northern  shore  to  the  mouth  of  French 
river  —  ascending  that  stream  —  crossing  Lake 
Nipissing  —  and  floating  down  the  Ottawa  —  final- 
ly, on  July  7th,  greeted  Cham  plain  at  Three 
Rivers,  to  recount  to  him,  after  almost  a  three 
years'  absence  since  parting  with  him  in  the  Hur- 
on country,  the  story  of  what  he  had  seen  of  dis- 
tant regions  and  of  what  he  had  suffered  in  his 
journeyings.*^ 

Brul6,   at  his    interview  with  Champlain,   was 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  XVI. 

» The  recital  of  Brul6  of  his  discoveries,  as  given  to  Champlain 
upon  his  (Bnil6's)  return  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  is  printed  in 
Champlain's  Voyages  of  1619.  It  is  also  to  be  found  in  the 
edition  of  1627,  but  is  omitted  in  the  condensed  edition  of  1632. 
The  probable  reason  for  this  omission  will  hereafter  be  given. 

(See,  in  connection  with  Brul6's  arrival  at  Three  Rivers,  the 
Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  XVI.) 

Parkman  suggests  {Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p. 
379»),  that,  as  before  stated,  Brul6's  name  may  possibly  allude 
to  the  fiery  ordeal  through  which  he  passed  when  in  the  hands 
of  the  Iroquois ;  but  the  way  Champlain  mentions  him  upon  first 
seeing  him  after  his  return  ("a  man  named  Brul6")  certainly 
makes  this  idea  wholly  improbable. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  97 

requested  by  the  latter  to  continue  his  work 
among  the  savages.  The  propriety  of  his  attempt- 
ing other  explorations  was  urged  upon  him ;  and 
the  courageous  woodman  promised  to  make  the 
attempt  and  then  to  conduct  his  patron  to  the 
region  visited  by  him,  that  he  himself  might 
obtain  fuller  and  more  particular  knowledge  of 
ulterior  countries.^ 

After  Champlain  had  given  his  interpreter  infor- 
mation as  to  his  intention  of  soon  sailing  again  for 
France  (he  had  made  a  voyage  thither  the  year  be- 
fore), and  had  assured  him  that,  upon  his  coming 
back  with  more  abundant  means,  he  would  be 
rewarded  for  what  he  had  already  accomplished, — 
Brul6  took  his  leave  to  go  again  to  the  wilderness 
upon  the  return  of  the  Indians  to  their  homes.  He 
was  particularly  requested  by  Champlain  to  tarry 
with  the  savages  until  the  next  year  (1619),  when 
his  patron  would  go  to  him  (with  a  good  number  of 
men),  both  to  pay  him  for  his  labors,  and  to  assist 
his  friends  —  the  Indians  —  in  their  wars,  as  in  the 
past.*  Champlain,  however,  never  again  ascended 
the  Ottawa.  ' '  His  forest  rovings  were  over.  The 
fire  that  had  flashed  the  keen  flame  of  daring  ad- 
venture must  now  be  subdued  to  the  duller  use  of 
practical  labor.  To  battle  with  savages  and  the 
elements  was  doubtless  more  congenial  with  his 

'As  has  been  previously  stated,  it  is  an  inference  of  the 
writer  of  this  narrative  that  Champlain  desired  Brul4  to  prose- 
cute further  discoveries  by  going  to  the  northward  and  north- 
westward of  the  Hurons  and  had  left  word  for  him  to  do  so,  with 
the  Hurons.  Why  it  is  probable  this  direction  was  given  will 
presently  appear. 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  XVII,  as  to  the  reliability  of  Brul6*s 
narrative. 


98  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

nature  than  to  nurse  a  puny  colony  into  growth 
and  strength;  yet  to  each  task  he  gave  himself 
with  the  same  strong  devotion."  ^  But  Bruld  had 
little  to  win  him  away  from  the  life  he  had  so  long 
been  living.*^ 

•Parkman:  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p.  387. 
When  Champlain  visited  the  St.  Lawrence  in  161 7,  he  expected 
to  join  with  the  savages  in  another  expedition,  but  was  disap- 
pointed ;  and  the  next  year  upon  his  return  from  France  he  sat- 
isfactorily explained  to  the  savages  why  he  failed.  A  Canadian 
historian,  in  speaking  of  this  explanation  by  Champlain,  says: 
"Champlain  [in  161 8]  proceeded  to  Three  Rivers;  a  great  many 
Indians  were  present.  They  received  him  with  their  old  respect 
and  affection,  and  asked  for  his  help  in  their  wars.  Champlain 
replied  that  he  had  not  changed  his  feelings  on  the  subject.  He 
reminded  them  how  they  had  failed  to  attend  with  the  requisite 
number  of  men,  in  the  attack  on  the  Seneca  village;  and  that, 
consequently,  he  and  his  force  had  been  compelled  to  retreat 
without  effecting  any  good  result  [the  italicising  is  mine]." — 
Kingsford's  History  of  Canada,  vol.  I,  p.  56. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Kingsford,  in  this,  makes  Champlain 
speak  to  the  assembled  Indians  at  Three  Rivers  as  though  they 
were  (at  least  some  of  them)  Carantouannais,  reminding  them 
of  their  failure  to  assist  him  in  the  attack  in  161 5,  on  the  Iroquois 
fort,  which  he  speaks  of  as  the  Seneca  (instead  of  Onondaga) 
village.     Of  course,  this  is  a  double  error. 

*"If  I  understand  well  the  text  of  Champlain,  Brul6  roved 
in  several  countries  until  the  spring  of  161 8,  when  he  returned|;to 
Georgian  Bay  and  from  there  joined  the  Hurons  who  were  going 
to  trade  at  Three  Rivers.  They  arrived  at  that  station  in  July, 
and  Champlain  noted  down  the  observations  of  his  interpreter 
with  much  delight.  Brul6  went  back  to  Lake  Huron  without 
delay."— 5«//if. 


CHAPTER  VIII.  ; 

BRUl£  discovers  lake  superior. —  HE  VISITS  THE 
NEUTRAL  NATION. —  RETURNS  TO  QUEBEC. — THE 
HUNDRED  ASSOCIATES. —  CAPTURE  OF  QUEBEC  BY 
THE  ENGLISH. —  LAST  JOURNEY  OF  BRULlfi  TO 
THE    HURONS. 

In  requesting  Brn\6  to  return  to  the  savages,  as 
Champlain  did,  in  1618,  at  Three  Rivers,  the  lat- 
ter was  only  acting  in  accordance  with  his  policy 
of  keeping  suitable  young  men  among  the  Indians, 
who,  by  becoming  acquainted  with  remote  regions 
and  with  the  various  languages  of  the  natives 
thereof,  might  become  of  great  assistance  to  him 
in  his  designs  —  particularly  as  relating  to  the  fur 
trade  —  in  New  France.^  As  he  intended  to  re- 
visit the  country  bordering  on  Lake  Huron,  he 
urged  Brul^  at  once  to  proceed  on  his  tour  of 
exploration  to  the  northward.  It  is  therefore  to 
be  presumed  that  the  latter,  on  reaching  the  Geor- 
gian bay,  turned  his  face  in  that  direction,  pro- 
ceeding probably  as  far  as  the  nation  of  the  Beav- 
er, living  on  the  shores  of  what  is  now  known  as 
the  North  Channel.'"^     After  remaining  there  dur- 

'  Of  all  these  young  men,  no  one  became,  perhaps,  so  noted 
as  John  Nicolet  (see  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Northwest, 
by  John  Nicolet,  in  1634,  passim). 

''If  there  were  no  other  evidence  to  substantiate  the  fact  of 
Brul6  be^ng  sent  to  the  northward,  and  northwestward  —  that  is, 
to  the  nations  living  along  the  shores  of  the  Georgian  bay,  and 
the  North  Channel, —  what  Champlain  himself  says  is  sufficient; 
for  he  was  to  go  to  the  country  where,  it  was  rumored,  the  na- 


lOO  HISTORY   OF  BRULk'S 

ing  the  winter,  and  Champlain  not  making  his  ap- 
pearance as  he  had  been  led  to  expect,  Brul^  was 
induced  to  return  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  at  least  not 
later  than  in  the  summer  of  1620,  to  find  that  the 
now  acting  governor  of  New  France  had  but  just 
returned  from  his  native  country.^ 

That  the  reports  brought  to  Champlain  by  Brul6 
from  the  coast  of  the  North  Channel  only  served 
to  increase  the  anxiety  of  the  former  for  further 
intelligence  of  ulterior  regions  is  evident.  It  was 
now  apparently  his  principal  wish  that  the  inter- 
preter should  continue  his  journeyings  until  the 
mystery  of  the  North  Sea  was  solved.  So,  in 
1 62 1,  Brul6  again  made  his  way  to  the  Huron 
country,  and  started  thence,  with  a  companion  (a 
Frenchman  named  Grenollej,  for  the  north,  from 
the  town  of  Toanch6. 

Here,  let  us  go  back  to  Champlain's  first  visit 
to  the  St.  Lawrence,  in  1603.  On  June  i8th  of 
that  year  he  set  out  from  Tadoussac  for  the 
Lachine  rapids,  up  the  river.  On  the  tenth  of 
the  next  month  (July),  on  his  return- voyage,  he 
questioned  a  young  Algonquin  about  ulterior  re- 
gions. The  savages  clearly  pointed  out  the  Otta- 
wa river,  Lake  Nipissing,  and,  finally,  Lake  Hu- 
ron—  "a  very  large  lake,  some  three  hundred 
[French]  leagues  in  length. ' '  Of  course,  this  was 
an  exaggeration.  Proceeding  northward  some 
hundred  leagues  in  this  lake,  the  Indian  said,  a 

tions  were  at  war  with  each  other.  Surely  this  could  not  have 
been  the  case  to  the  southward;  as  the  Tobacco  nation,  the 
Cheveux  Relev6s  and  the  Neutrals  were  ,not  "  at  ;war  with  each 
other." 

'  Champlain  became  acting  governor  in  1619. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  1 01 

very  large  island  (Great  Manitoulin)  would  be 
reached.  Another  hundred  leagues  would  bring 
one  to  the  end  of  the  lake  (the  distances  again  be- 
ing overestimated),  when  rapids  about  a  league 
wide  (Sault  Ste.  Marie)  could  be  seen,  "  where  a 
very  large  mass  of  water"  falls  into  Lake  Huron. 
When  these  rapids  are  passed  "  one  sees  no  more 
land  on  either  side,  but  only  a  sea  [Lake  Superior] 
so  large  that  they  have  never  seen  the  end  of  it, 
nor  heard  that  any  one  has."  This  was  the  first 
knowledge  that  was  gained  (and  very  imperfect  it 
was)  of  the  existence  of  Lake  Superior  by  any 
white  man.  As  to  its  waters  being  salt,  the  con- 
clusion of  Champlain  was  arrived  at  from  erroneous 
information,  of  course,  doubtless  promoted  by  his 
eagerness  to  reach  a  northern  ocean. ^ 

Champlain  inquired,   at  the  same  time,  as  to 
whether  they  had  any  knowledge  of  any  mines. 

'  This  record  given  by  Champlain  in  the  year  1603,  concerning 
a  great  lake  (or  "  sea,"  as  he  understood  it)  beyond  Lake  Huron, 
was  the  first  account,  really,  ever  published  referring  evidently  to 
Lake  Superior.  Cartier,  in  his  Bref  Rdcit,  printed  in  1545,  gives 
the  particulars  of  the  St.  Lawrence  flowing  through  several 
gfreat  lakes,  as  he  was  informed  by  the  savages,  the  farthest  of 
which  was  like  a  vast  sea ;  but  it  is  not  certain  whether  Lake 
Superior  or  Lake  Huron  is  referred  to  in  this  account ;  probably 
the  last  mentioned.  Some  have  supposed  that  he  even  heard  of 
the  Mississippi: 

"  From  them  [the  natives  of  Hochelaga],  Cartier  learned  that 
it  would  take  three  months  to  sail  in  their  canoes  up  the  course 
of  the  majestic  river  [the  St.  Lawrence],  which  flowed  beneath 
them,  and  that  it  ran  through  several  great  lakes,  the  farthest 
one  of  which  was  like  a  vast  sea.  Beyond  this  lake  was  another 
large  river  (the  Mistl^sipp^),  which  pursued  a  southerly  course 
through  a  region  free  f i  cm  ice  and  snow. ' ' —  MacMuUen's  History 
of  Canada,  p.  6.  Bu'.;  hat  author  draws  largely  on  his  imagfina- 
tion  in  thus  ideutifyinj  the  Mississippi  as  the  river  referred  to  by 
Cartier. 


I02  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

They  told  him  that  the  Hurons  (who  came  to  trade 
with  the  Algonquins  for  articles  the  latter  had 
purchased  from  French  vessels  in  the  St.  Law- 
rence) said  that  toward  the  north  from  their  coun- 
try was  a  mine  of  pure  copper,  some  bracelets 
made  from  which  they  showed  Champlain,  they 
having  obtained  them  from  the  Hurons.  This 
information  was  the  first  obtained  by  any  white 
man  of  the  existence  of  the  North  Channel  or  of 
the  Lake  Superior  copper-mines,  except  that,  as 
already  shown,  Cartier,  in  1535,  learned  that  cop- 
per was  brought  from  the  Saguenay  country, —  an 
indefinite  region  to  the  northward  and  westward, 
including,  however,  that  of  Lake  Superior.^ 

In  16 10,  Champlain,  in  going  up  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  meet  the  savages  at  the  island  off  the 
mouth  of  the  Iroquois  river,  was  met  by  a  canoe 
containing  two  Indians  —  one  a  Montagnais,  the 
other  an  Algonquin.  The  latter  (a  chief)  drew 
from  a  sack  a  piece  of  copper  a  foot  in  length, 
which  he  gave  to  Champlain.  It  was  very  hand- 
some and  quite  pure.     He  gave  the  Frenchman  to 

•When  Cartier  moved  up  the  St.  Lawrence  in  1535,  the 
savages  pointed  out  the  region  of  the  Saguenay  —  an  exceed- 
ingly indefinite  one,  stretching  away  without  any  fixed  limits  to 
the  north  and  to  the  west  —  which  they  said  was  inhabited ;  and 
thence  came  some  red  copper  which  they  had,  called  by  them 
"  caigfnetdaze. "  As  this  red  copper  (cyure  rouge)  doubtless 
came  from  the  copper  mines  of  Lake  Superior,  it  is  in  this 
information  (very  slight,  it  is  true)  that  the  first  glimpse  is 
caught  of  the  Northwest,  On  his  return  down  the  river,  Cartier 
saw  ' '  a  great  knife' '  made  of  this  ' '  red  copper, ' '  in  possession 
of  some  Montagnais,  the  latter  presenting  it  to  a  chief  of  theirs, 
who  was  with  Cartier, —  having  been  captured  by  the  latter  [see 
Cartier's  Brief  Ricit  (D'Avezac  Ed.),  pp.  9,  34,  44,  cited  by  the 
Rev.  E.  F.  Slafter,  in  the  Prince  Society  Publications  of 
Champlain' s  "  Voyages,^'  vol.  II,  p.  ty]n\. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  IO3 

understand  that  there  were  large  quantities  where 
he  had  taken  this,  which  was  on  the  bank  of  a 
river,  near  a  great  lake.  He  said  that  they  gath- 
ered it  in  lumps,  and,  having  melted  it,  spread  it 
in  sheets,  smoothing  it  with  stones.  Champlain 
says  he  was  very  glad  of  the  present,  although  of 
small  value.  It  was  really,  there  seems  no  doubt, 
the  second  time  he  had  received  knowledge  (al- 
though, of  course,  vaguely  communicated)  of  the 
Lake  Superior  copper  mines,  and  indeed  of  the 
gfreat  lake  itself.  However,  the  latter  he  would 
fain  believe  was  a  northern  ocean.  And  it  was 
several  years  before  he  was  fully  undeceived  —  be- 
fore he  fully  realized  that  the  boundless  water, 
ths  "s,  boundless  to  the  eyes  of  the  savages  as 
they  looked  to  the  northward  and  westward  over 
its  surface,  was  only  a  "  Grand  Lac."  And  it  is 
just  here  that  it  is  proper  to  show  how  and  when 
he  came  to  a  full  realization  of  the  magnitude  of 
this,  the  greatest  lake  on  the  globe. 

There  were  three  motives  inducing  Bruld,  accord- 
ing to  the  declaration  of  Champlain,  to  remain 
in  the  wilderness  among  the  Indians:  (i)  to  pass 
his  time ;  (2)  to  see  the  country ;  and  (3)  to  learn 
the  language  of  the  savages  and  their  mode  of  life. 
But  all  these  came  originally  from  the  promptings 
of  Champlain  himself,  as  we  have  shown,  who,  it 
may  be  premised,  did  not  fail  for  sixteen  or  seven- 
teen years  to  urge  them,  with  also  another  and 
particular  object,  that  of  persuading  the  Indians  to 
go  yearly  to  trade  with  the  French  upon  the  St. 
Lawrence. 

It  would  indeed  be  strange  if  Champlain  sent 
Brul^  on  a  journey  along  the  north  coast,  from 


I04  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

the  mouth  of  French  river  on  Georgian  bay,  with- 
out having  first  given  him  all  the  information  he 
had  previously  obtained  of  the  country  he  was  to 
visit  and  of  the  savages  he  was  to  meet;  ^  particu- 
larly would  he  be  told  of  the  probable  existence  of 
mines  of  copper  and  of  the  great  lake,  or,  rather, 
of  an  ocean  —  the  "  North  Sea"  of  Champlain's 
imagination. 

Not  only  Champlain  but  Brule  and  Grenolle 
themselves  must  have  heard  much  of  the  region 
from  the  Algonquins  and  Hurons,  and  of  the  In- 
dians who  lived  there,  for  the  latter  had  long 
traded  with  the  former.  These  northern  savages 
were  known  to  be  at  war  not  only  among  them- 
selves, but  with  other  nations ;  and  Brul^  was  to  be 
a  messenger  of  peace  wherever  he  went,  to  the  end 
that  all  might  be  induced  to  go  down  to  the  yearly 
trade  upon  the  St.  Lawrence. 

But  let  us  now  follow  the  adventurous  French- 
men in  their  voyage  to  the  northward.  It  seems 
certain  that  all  the  Indians  visited  were  of  Algon- 
quin lineage ;  but  where  they  lived  and  what  were 
their  names  can  only  be  gleaned  from  what  is 
recorded  of  them  a  few  years  subsequent  to  this 
j ourney  of  Brn\6  and  his  companion .  Three  nation s 
occupied  the  shores  of  the  Georgian  bay  south  of  the 

'  But  Champlain  had  gathered  little  from  the  Indians  —  very 
little  even  from  the  Hurons  in  his  sojourn  with  them  in  1615-16  — 
as  to  the  savage  nations  beyond  their  great  lake  ("  Mer 
Douce,"  i.  e.,  Lake  Huron),  except  that  prisoners  taken  from 
the  more  distant  ones  ' '  said  that  still  farther  on  towards  the 
setting  sun  there  was  a  people  who  had  light-colored  hair  and 
looked  like  the  French." — (See  Winsor's  Car  tier  to  Frontenac, 
p.  120;  Champlain' s  "  Voyages  "  —  Prince  Society  Publications, 
vol.  Ill,  p.  158,  I59-) 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  I05 

mouth  of  French  river.  ^  Passing  this  stream  going 
northward,  Brul^  probably  sighted  the  Manitoulin 
islands  stretching  from  east  to  west  along  the  north 
shores  of  Lake  Huron,  and  consisting  chiefly  of 
what  is  now  known  as  the  Great  Manitoulin  (or 
Sacred  Isle),  Little  Manitoulin  (or  Cockburn),  and 
Drummond.  The  island  first  mentioned  is  eighty 
miles  long  by  twenty  broad  —  the  same  that 
Champlain,  as  has  been  shown,  gained  some 
knowledge  of  from  Indian  report,  in  1603.  North- 
ward of  these  islands  were  the  hunting-grounds 
of  that  nation  of  savages  known  as  Beavers,  living 
upon  the  shores  of  the  North  Channel,  as  already 
related,  though  their  ancient  seat  was  the  islands 
before  described.  That  the  two  white  men  visited 
these  Indians  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Farther  on, 
but  still  upon  the  margin  of  the  Huron  lake,  was 
found  another  nation  —  the  Oumisagai.** 

That  Brul6  and  his  companion  went  upon  this 
journey  is  not  at  all  a  matter  of  conjecture  as  is 
the  first  visit  of  the  former  to  the  Beaver  nation ; 
for  Sagard  says: 

"  At  about  eighty  or  a  hundred  [French]  leagues 
from  the  Hurons,  there  is  a  mine  of  red  copper, 
from  which  the  interpreter,  Brul6,  showed  me  a 
large  ingot  when  he  came  back  from  a  journey  he 
made  to  a  neighboring  nation  with  a  man  named 

'  These  were  the  Ouasouarim,  the  Outchougai,  and  the 
Atchiligouan. 

'Constilt,  as  to  the  various  nations  inhabiting  the  shores  of 
the  Georgian  bay,  and  the  coast  of  the  North  Channel  (as  at 
present  known),  at  about  this  period  or  a  little  later,  the  History 
of  the  Discovery  of  the  Northwest,  by  John  Nt'colet,  in  1634, 
pp.  50,  51- 


106  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

GrenoUe."^  Sagard  also  confirms,  in  another 
mention  of  Grenolle,  what  he  says  as  to  the  latter 's 
visit,  stating  that  it  was  for  the  purposes  of  trade : 

"  One  of  our  Frenchmen  named  Crenole  [Gre- 
nolle] having  been  to  trade  on  the  north  coast, 
among  a  nation  living  about  one  hundred  leagues 
from  the  Hurons,  which  nation  was  working  in  a 
copper  mine,  told  us  when  he  came  back,  of  hav- 
ing seen  among  them  several  girls  who  had  the 
ends  of  their  noses  cut  off  (following  the  custom 
of  the  country),  for  having  committed  offenses 
against  chastity. " '^ 

We  are  left  in  the  dark  as  to  what  savages 
were  found  by  Brul6  and  Grenolle  on  the  north 
shore,  "  working  in  a  copper  mine."  That  they 
were  either  the  Beavers  or  the  Oumisagai,  already 
mentioned,  is  certain.  How  long  the  two  tarried 
in  that  region  is  also  unknown.  Did  they  pro- 
ceed onward  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Mary  river 
and  up  that  stream  to  the  rapids  ?  It  is  reasonably 
certain  they  did.  So  it  was  that  the  "  Sault  de 
Ste.  Marie  ' '  (rapids  or  falls  of  the  St.  Mary)  was 
for  the  first  time  seen  by  white  men,  although,  as 
already  explained,  they  had  been  heard  of  by 
Champlain  nearly  twenty  years  previous. 

Once  at  the  falls,  and  Brul^  and  his  companion 

'  Histoire  du  Canada  (Paris  Reprint,  1866),  p.  716.  (See  Ap- 
pendix to  our  Narrative,  Note  XXII  [£].)  Copper,  in  its  native 
state,  is  found  at  various  points  on  the  coast  of  the  North  Chan- 
nel, or,  as  we  may  say,  on  the  "  North  Coast." 

*See  Note  XXII  [a],  in  Appendix.  In  the  History  of  the 
Discovery  of  the  Northwest,  by  fohn  Nicolet,  p.  49,  the  state- 
ment is  made,  in  effect,  that  Nicolet,  in  1634,  was  the  first  white 
man  to  explore  the  northern  coast  of  Lake  Huron  (or  Georgian 
bay,  as  now  known) ;  but  this  is  error. 


DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  IO7 

had  reached  the  principal  village  of  a  savage  na- 
tion afterwards  designated  the  "  People  of  the 
Falls, ' '—  called  by  the  French, ' '  Sauteurs. ' '  They 
were  the  ancestors  of  the  modern  Otchipwes  (mis- 
named Ojibwas),  now  generally  known  as  Chip- 
pewas.^  . 

Brul^  would  certainly  not  be  content  to  termi- 
nate his  journey  at  the  falls,  but  would  press  on- 
ward until  his  eyes  were  gladdened  by  a  view  of 
the  greatest  body  of  fresh  water  on  the  globe  — 
now  the  well-known  Lake  Superior. 

"  The  interpreter,  Brul^,"  says  Sagard,  "  as- 
sured us  that  beyond  the  Freshwater  Sea  [Lake 
Huron]  there  was  another  very  large  lake  which 
empties  into  it  by  a  waterfall,  which  has  been 
called  '  Saut  de  Gaston  *  [Gaston  Falls],  of  a  width 
of  almost  two  leagues ;  which  lake  and  the  Fresh- 
water Sea  have  almost  thirty  days'  journey  by 
canoe  in  length,  according  to  the  account  of  the 
savages;  but,  according  to  the  interpreter's  [Bru- 
le's] account,  they  are  four  hundred  [French] 
leagues  in  length."  ^ 

No  white  man  before  Brul6  had  stood  upon  the 
shores  of  Lake  Superior.  It  was  the  "  North 
Sea"  of  Champlain's  fondest  hopes;  but,  alas,  its 
waters  were  fresh.     It  could  not,  therefore,  lead 

■  It  is  not  certain  on  which  side  of  the  river  was  located,  at  this 
date,  the  principal  village  of  the  Chippewas. 

'Sagard  —  Histoire  du  Canada  (Paris  Reprint,  1866),  p.  589. 
(See  Appendix  to  our  Narrative,  Note  XXII  [e].)  As  to  the  falls 
having  been,  soon  after  Brule's  visit,  known  as  the  "  Sault  de 
Gaston,"  see  also  Index  to  Champlain's  map  of  1632.  Winsor, 
in  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  p.  144,  mentions  who  it  was  that  the 
name  was  intended  to  commemorate.  (Consult,  further,  as  to 
the  evidence  of  Brule's  discovery  of  Lake  Superior,  Appendix 
to  our  Narrative,  Note  XVIII. ) 


I08  HISTORY   OF   BRUL^'S 

directly  to  China.  To  it  was  given  no  particular 
name  —  it  was  sufficient  to  designate  it,  at  first,  as 
the  "  Great  Lake."  It  is  probable  that  the  adven- 
turers paddled  their  canoe  along  its  northern  shore 
until  they  came  to  its  head,  entering  the  mouth  of 
the  St.  Louis  river  near  where  now  are  the  cities 
of  Superior  and  Duluth.  In  returning,  it  is  con- 
jectured they  visited  Isle  Royale.'  Brul^  reached 
Quebec  July  2nd,  1623,  visiting,  on  the  twenty- 
third,  three  hundred  Indians  (Hurons)  at  Chaudifere 
(now  the  city  of  Ottawa),  cci'ng  down  the  river 
to  trade.  The  same  summer  he  went  back  to  the 
Huron  country. 

But  Brul6,  the  next  year  (1624),  again  returned 
to  the  St.  Lawrence.  On  this  trip  he  journeyed 
with  a  party  of  Huron s,  they  having  nine  loaded 
canoes.  They  were  on  tneir  way  down  to  barter 
their  furs  with  the  French  at  Quebec.  Most 
of  the  distance  they  were  accompanied  by  the 
Friar  Sagard  in  a  canoe  in  which  were  only  him- 
self and  attendants.  The  good  friar  frequently 
mentions  ' '  the  Interpreter  Brul6  *  *  (as  he  always 
calls  him),  in  recording  incidents  of  the  journey. 

The  Indians  showed  him  (Sagard)  several  rocks 
on  the  road  to  Quebec,  and  among  others  they 
pointed  out  one  which  had  a  deep  cavern,  very 
difficult  of  access.  They  wished  to  persuade  him 
into  believing  absolutely  with  them  that  this 
rock  had  formerly  been  a  man ;  and  that  upon  an 
occasion  of  the  latter  having  his  hands  and  arms 
raised  high,  he  had  been  transformed  into  stone 
and  in  course  of  time  became  the  wonderful  rock 
before  them. 

'  See  Appendix,  Note  XVIII. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  IO9 

This  rock,  Sagard  declares,  the  savages  hold  in 
veneration  and  offered  to  it  tobacco  in  passing  be- 
fore it  in  their  canoes  —  "  not  every  time,"  he  says, 
* '  but  when  they  are  doubtful  of  their  voyage  be- 
ing successful;  and  when  offering  this  tobacco, 
which  they  throw  into  the  water  against  the  rock 
itself,  they  say  to  it :  '  Hear !  Take  courage  and 
give  us  a  good  voyage,'  —  with  some  other  words 
which  I  do  not  understand;  and  the  Interpreter 
Brul^  ....  told  us  ^wvy  our  confusion)  that 
he  once  made  a  similar  offering  with  them  (for 
which  we  rebuked  him  severely),  and  that  his  voy- 
age was  made  more  profitable  to  him  than  any 
others  which  he  had  ever  made  in  all  these  re- 
gions." ^ 

After  reaching  the  St.  Lawrence  and  while  at 
the  Saut  S.  Louis  (Lachine  rapids),  the  friar  re- 
cords that  he  had,  upon  his  arrival  there,  a  bad 
sleeping  place,  and  that  he  was  no  better  off  the 
following  night,  because  of  a  heavy  rain.  At 
' '  Cape  Victory ' '  he  overtook  ' '  the  Interpreter 
Brul^,"  who  had  arrived  there  with  his  Hurons 
two  days  before.  From  him  he  learned  that  some 
Montagnais  and  Algonquins  had  forbidden  them 
to  pass  further  down  the  river.  It  was  a  scheme 
on  the  part  of  the  Indians  last  mentioned  to  black- 
mail the  strangers.  The  latter  at  first  determined 
to  resist.      This,  Sagard  declares,  was  a  dangerous 

'  See  Appendix,  Note  XXII  [d].  It  appears  from  the  above 
that  Brul6,  previous  to  this  visit  to  the  Hurons,  had,  occasionally, 
while  engaged  in  acquiring  different  Indian  languages  or  in  ex- 
ploration and  discovery,  employed  some  of  his  time  in  trafficking 
with  the  savages, — probably  having  with  him  trinkets  of  no 
great  value  which  he  exchanged  for  furs. 


no  HISTORY  OF  BRULt^'s 

resolve,  particularly  to  Brul^,  whose  bag  of  tobac- 
co the  Montagnais  and  Algonquins  especially 
coveted. 

But  the  Montagnais  and  Algonquins  hesitated 
before  offering  force  to  the  Huron  party.  Finally, 
they  assured  them  they  had  just  received  some 
valuable  presents  from  a  tribe  who  were  mortal 
enemies  of  the  Hurons,  on  condition  that  they 
would  send  them  word  when  the  latter  made  their 
appearance  —  to  the  end  that  they  might  come  and 
put  them  all  to  death,  and  that  they  would  soon 
arrive.  This  so  terrified  Brul6  and  his  party  that 
they  made  the  Montagnais  and  Algonquins  a  lib- 
eral donation  of  nets,  tobacco,  flour  and  other 
things,  and  were  allowed  to  pass  on  without  further 
molestation ;  but  Sagard  refused  to  make  them  any 
gifts;  and  early  the  next  morning,  while  all  were 
asleep,  he  quietly  dropped  his  canoe  into  the  river 
and  was  soon  beyond  reach  of  the  wily  savages.^ 

A  change  was  now  (1625)  at  hand  in  the  affairs 
of  New  France.  Two  Huguenots,  William  and 
Emery  de  Caen,  had  taken  the  place  of  the  old 
company  of  St.  Malo  and  Rouen,  but  were  after- 
ward compelled  to  share  their  monopoly  with  them. 
Fresh  troubles  were  thus  introduced  into  the  infant 
colony,  not  only  in  secular  matters  but  in  relig- 
ious afifairs.  The  R^collets  had  previously  estab- 
lished five  missions,  extending  from  Acadia  to  the 
borders  of  Lake  Huron.  Now,  three  Jesuits  — 
among  their  number  John  de  Br^beuf  —  arrived 
in  the  colony,  and  began  their  spiritual  labors. 

The  3'^ear  1625  found  Brul^  again  among  the  Hu- 
rons.   When,  nine  years  before,  Champlain  visited 

'  Appendix,  Note  XXII  [h]. 


DISCOVICKIES    AND    KXI'I-ORATIONS.  MI 

the  Cheveux  Relevds,  he  was  farther  west  from 
the  St.  Lawrence  than  any  other  white  man  had 
been  —  farther,  indeed,  than  was  his  adventurous 
interpreter  when  at  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario  the 
previous  fall ;  but  now  Brul6  was  ready  to  start  on 
an  exploring  tour  which  would  take  him  beyond 
the  western  limits  reached  by  his  patron,  but  in  a 
direction  southwesterly  from  the  Hurons.  It  was 
to  the  villages  of  the  Neutrals  he  was  going,  which 
had  never  been  visited  by  a  white  man.  He  must 
have  previously  obtained  some  interesting  particu- 
lars from  the  Hurons  concerning  these  savages,  as 
there  was  frequent  intercourse  between  the  two 
nations.  To  most  of  them  the  sight  of  Brul6 
would  be  a  great  surprise;  a  few,  however,  had 
doubtless  already  seen  him  in  some  one  of  the 
Huron  towns. 

The  hunting  grounds  of  the  Neutral  nation  ex- 
tended from  a  day's  journey  west  of  the  territory 
of  the  Senecas  onward  nearly  to  the  eastern  shores 
of  Lake  Huron.  The  real  name  of  these  savages 
was  Attiwandaron ;  they  had  twenty-eight  towns 
and  several  little  hamlets  of  seven  or  eight  cabins 
each.  Their  villages  were  built  after  the  manner 
of  those  of  the  Hurons ;  and  their  language  was 
the  same,  radically,  as  the  latter. 

There  are  no  particulars  extant  of  Brule's  jour- 
ney to  the  Neutrals.  That  he  explored  the  larger 
portion  of  their  country  lying  to  the  westward  of 
the  Niagara  is  evident.  He  would  have  no  curi- 
osity, however,  to  see  that  river,  as  he  had  already 
been  there  on  his  way  to  and  from  Carantouan. 

Brul6  was  delighted  with  the  country  of  the  At- 
tiwandarons.     He,  it  is  believed,  remained  there 


112  HISTORY   OF   BRULlfi'S 

until  the  next  spring,  and  then  returned  to  the  St. 
Lawrence. 

In  the  summer  of  1626,  Fathers  Br^beuf  and  De 
Noue,  Jesuits,  with  Joseph  de  la  Roche  Daillon,  a 
Franciscan  priest,  as  escort,  started  for  the  Huron 
country,  which  they  reached  after  a  most  laborious 
journey  of  three  weeks.  "  Though  far  away," 
wrote  the  latter  in  July  of  the  next  year,  from 
Toanch^,  to  a  friend  in  Paris,  "  it  is  still  permitted 
us  to  visit  our  friends  by  missions  which  render 
the  absent  present.  Our  Indians  were  amazed  at 
it,  seeing  us  often  write  to  our  Fathers  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  that  by  our  letters  they  learn  our  ideas 
and  what  the  [same]  Indians  had  done  at  our  resi- 
dence. After  having  made  some  stay  in  our  Cana- 
da convent,  and  communicated  with  our  Fathers 
and  the  [Reverend]  Jesuit  Fathers,  I  was  compelled 
by  a  religious  affection  to  visit  the  sedentary  na- 
tions, whom  we  call  Hurons ;  and  with  me  [went] 
the  Rev.  Fathers  Br^beuf  and  De  Noue,  Jesuits, — 
having  arrived  there  with  all  the  harci  ships  that 
any  one  may  imagine,  by  reason  of  the  wretched 
way." 

"  Some  time  afterwards,"  continues  Daillon,  "  I 
received  a  letter  from  our  Reverend  Father,  Joseph 
le  Caron,  by  which  he  encouraged  me  to  pass  on 
to  a  nation  we  call  *  Neutral,'  of  which  the  inter- 
preter Brule  told  wonders.  Encouraged,  then,  by 
so  good  a  Father,  and  the  grand  account  given  me 
of  these  people  [by  Brul^],  I  started  for  their  coun- 
try, setting  out  from  the  Htirons  with  this  design, 
October  i8th,  1626,  with  men  called  Grenolle  and 
Laval^e,  Frenchmen  by  birth.  Passing  the  Petun 
[Tobacco]  nation,  I     .     .     .     .     arrived  at  the  first 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  II 3 

village  [of  the  Neutrals],  where  we  were  well 
received,  thanks  to  our  Lord,  and  then  at  four 
other  villages,  which  envied  each  other  in  bring- 
ing us  food. "... 

' '  After  all  this  cordial  welcome, ' '  are  the  further 
words  of  the  Rev.  Father,  "  our  Frenchmen  [Gre- 
nolle  and  Laval^e]  returned  and  I  remained,  the 
happiest  man  in  the  world,  hoping  to  do  something 
there  to  advance  God's  glory,  or  at  least  to  dis- 
cover ....  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the 
Hiroquois  [Niagara],  in  order  to  bring  them  [the 
Neutrals]  to  trade  [with  the  French,  by  way  of 
Lake  Ontario]." 

But  there  are  other  particulars  recorded  in  this 
letter  of  the  Franciscan  friar  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance, as  verifying  the  story  told  him  by  Brul6. 
Was  the  "  grand  account  "  of  the  interpreter  true? 
Did  he  exaggerate  in  his  recital  of  the  ' '  wonders ' ' 
of  that  region?  Let  us  see.  Here  is  the  narra- 
tion of  Daillon:  "  The  country  of  this  Neutral 
nation  is  incomparably  larger,  more  beautiful,  and 
better  than  any  other  of  all  these  countries.  There 
is  an  incredible  number  of  stags,  great  abundance 
of  moose,  or  elk,  beaver,  wildcats,  and  black  squir- 
rels ....  a  great  quantity  of  wild  geese, 
turkeys,  cranes,  and  other  animals,  which  are  there 
all  winter.  .  .  .  The  rivers  furnish  much  ex- 
cellent fish;  the  earth  gives  good  grain,  more  than 
is  needed.  They  have  squashes,  beans,  and  other 
vegetables  in  abundance."  ^ 

In  the  spring  of  1627,  d  report  having  spread 
among  the  Hurons  that   Daillon  had  been  killed, 

•  See  Very  Rev.  W.  R.  Harris's  translation  of  Daillon's  letter, 
in  Early  Missions  in  Western  Canada,  pp.  50-55. 


A », 


114  HISTORY   OF   BRULE  S 

Fathers  Br^beuf  and  De  Noue  sent  GrenoUe  to 
the  Neutrals  to  learn  whether  it  was  true  or  not. 
The  latter  soor  returned  with  Daillon  to  Toanch^.^ 

When  the  year  1627  was  reached,  the  settlement 
at  Quebec  had  a  population  of  about  one  hundred 
persons  —  men,  women  and  children.  The  chief 
trading  stations  upon  the  St.  Lawrence  were  Que- 
bec, Three  Rivers,  the  Rapids  of  St.  Louis,  and 
Tadoussac- 

In  the  year  last  mentioned,  the  destinies  of 
France  were  held  by  Cardinal  Richelieu  as  in  the 
hollow  of  his  hand.  He  had  constituted  himself 
grand  master  and  superintendent  of  navigation  and 
commerce.  By  him  the  privileges  of  the  Caens 
were  annulled,  and  a  company  formed,  consisting 
of  a  hundred  associates,  called  the  Company  of 
New  France.  At  its  head  was  Richelieu  himself. 
Louis  the  Thirteenth  made  over  to  this  company 
forever  the  fort  and  settlement  at  Quebec,  and  all 
the  territory  of  New  France,  including  Florida. 
To  them  was  given  power  to  appoint  judges,  build 
fortresses,  cast  cannon,  confer  titles,  and  concede 
lands.  They  were  to  govern  in  peace  and  in  war. 
Their  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade  was  made  perpet- 
ual ;  while  that  of  all  other  commerce  within  the 

'  Harris,  loc.  cit.  (See,  also.  Appendix  to  our  Narrative, 
Note  XIX.)  In  Garneau's  Canada  (Bell's  translation,  vol.  I, 
p.  95),  it  is  said  four  Recollets  arrived  in  Canada  in  1615;  that 
they  visited  the  Hurons  along  with  Champlain ;  and  that  one  of 
them  the  next  year  went  to  the  Neutral  nation.  There  are  two 
prominent  errors  in  this  recital:  only  one  of  the  friars  (Le 
Caron)  went  to  the  Hurons;  and  the  Neutrals  were  not  visited 
the  next  year  at  all ;  it  was  the  Tobacco  nation. 

'  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Northwest,  by  John  Nico- 
le t,  in  1634,  pp.  20,  21. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  II 5 

limits  of  their  government  was  limited  to  fifteen 
years,  except  that  the  whale-fishery  and  cod-fish- 
ery were  to  remain  open  to  all.  They  could  take 
whatever  steps  they  might  think  expedient  or 
proper  for  the  protection  of  the  colony  and  the 
fostering  of  trade.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the 
Hundred  Associates  had  conferred  upon  them 
almost  sovereign  power.  For  fifteen  years  their 
commerce  was  not  to  be  troubled  with  duties  or 
imposts.  Partners,  whether  nobles,  officers,  or 
ecclesiastics,  might  engage  in  commercial  pursuits 
without  derogating  from  the  privileges  of  their 
order.  To  all  these  benefits  the  king  added  a 
donation  of  two  ships  of  war.  Of  this  powerful 
association,  Champlain  was  one  of  the  members. 
In  return  for  these  privileges  conferred,  behold 
how  little  these  hundred  partners  were  compelled 
to  perform.  They  engaged  to  convoy  to  New 
France,  during  1628,  two  or  three  hundred  men 
of  all  trades,  and  before  the  year  1643  to  increase 
the  number  to  four  thousand  persons  of  both  sexes ; 
to  supply  all  their  settlers  with  lodging,  food, 
clothing,  and  farm  implements,  for  three  years; 
then  they  would  allow  them  sufficient  land  to  sup- 
port themselves,  cleared  to  a  certain  extent ;  and 
would  also  furnish  them  the  grain  necessary  for 
sowing  it;  stipulating,  also,  that  the  emigrants 
should  be  native  Frenchmen  and  Roman  Catholics, 
and  none  others;  and,  finally,  agreeing  to  settle 
three  priests  in  each  settlement,  whom  they  were 
bound  to  provide  with  every  article  necessary  for 
their  personal  comfort,  and  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  their  ministerial  labors  for  fifteen  years.  After 
the  expiration  of  that  time,  cleared  lands  were  to 


Il6  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

be  granted  by  the  company  to  the  clergy  for  main- 
taining the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  New- 
France.  It  was  thus  that  the  Hundred  Associates 
became  proprietors  of  the  whole  country  claimed 
by  France,  from  Florida  to  the  Arctic  Circle ;  from 
Newfoundland  to  the  sources  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  its  tributaries.  Meanwhile,  the  fur  trade  had 
brought  a  considerable  knowledge  of  the  Ottawa, 
and  of  the  country  of  the  Hurons,  to  the  French 
upon  the  St.  Lawrence,  through  the  yearly  visits 
of  the  savages  from  those  distant  parts  and  the 
journeyings  of  the  fur  trader  in  quest  of  peltry.^ 
In  April,  1628,  the  first  vessel  of  the  Hundred 
Associates  sailed  from  France  with  colonists  and 
supplies,  bound  for  the  St.  Lawrence.  Four  of 
these  vessels  were  armed.  Everything  seemed 
propitious  for  a  speedy  arrival  at  Quebec,  where 
the  inhabitants  were  sorely  pressed  for  food ;  but 
a  storm,  which  had  for  some  time  been  brewing  in 
Europe,  broke  in  fury  upon  New  France.  The 
imprudent  zeal  of  the  Catholics  in  England,  and 
the  persecution  of  the  Huguenots  in  France, 
aroused  the  English,  who  determined  to  conquer 
the  French  possessions  in  North  America,  if  possi- 
ble ;  and,  to  that  end,  they  sent  out  David  Kirk,*' 
with  an  armed  squadron,  to  attack  the  settlements 
in  Canada.  The  fleet  reached  the  harbor  of  Ta- 
doussac  before  the  arrival  of  the  vessels  of  the 
Company  of  New  France.  Kirk  sent  a  demand  f  c  ' 
the  surrender  of  Quebec,  but  Champlain  deter- 
mined to  defend  the  place ;  at  least,  he  resolved  to 

'  Id.,  pp.  21-23. 

'Synonyms:    Kirke,  Kirtk,    Kyrck,    Kertk,  Kerk,  Ker,  Quer, 
Querch,  Quercq. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  II 7 

make  a  show  of  defense;  and  the  English  com- 
mander thought  best  not  to  attack  such  a  formid- 
able looking  position.  ,  All  the  supplies  sent  by 
the  Hundred  Associates  to  the  St.  Lawrence  were 
captured  or  sunk. 

Although  in  the  summer  of  1627  Brul^  had 
again  journeyed  to  the  Hurons,  he  could  not  have 
remained  with  them  later  than  the  next  year,  as 
1628  finds  him  again  on  the  St.  Lawrence. 

Quebec,  as  we  have  just  seen,  had  been  sum- 
moned to  surrender,  but  had  not  yet  capitulated 
to  the  English.  There  was  great  distress  there. 
"  Seven  ounces  of  pounded  pease  were  now  the 
daily  food  of  each;  and,  at  the  end  of  May  [1629], 
even  this  failed.  Men,  women  and  children  be- 
took themselves  to  the  woods,  gathering  acorns 
and  grubbing  up  roots.  .  .  .  Some  joined  the 
Hurons  or  the  Algonquins ;  some  wandered  towards 
the  Abenakis  of  Maine ;  some  descended  in  a  boat 
to  Gaspe,  trusting  to  meet  a  French  fishing- vessel. 
There  was  scarcely  one  who  would  not  have  hailed 
the  English  as  deliverers."^ 

Kirk's  vessels  which,  in  1628,  had  ascended  the 
St.  Lawrence  had  returned  to  France  after  captur- 
ing the  supply- vessels  of  the  Hundred  Associates ; 
but,  in  1629,  he  returned  with  a  squadron.  Four 
Frenchmen  went  over  to  the  English,  one  of  whom 
was  Brul6.  The  brothers  of  the  Admiral  —  Lewis 
and  Thomas  —  would  again  ask  Champlain  to  sur- 
render, but  this  time  from  a  point  nearer  Quebec 
than  Tadoussac.  Three  English  ships  were  to  be 
sent  up  to  enforce  the  demand.     A  pilot  was  nec- 

'  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  pp. 
405,  406. 


Il8  HISTORY   OF   BRULE'S 

essary,  and  Brul6  acted  as  such.  Capitulation  fol- 
lowed.' 

' '  Thirteen  of  the  French  colonists,  looking  per- 
haps on  the  change  as  a  deliverance,  as  Charlevoix 
intimates,  were  induced  to  live  under  the  English 
rule.  Of  these,  there  were  seven  who  were  of 
importance  to  the  victors,  because  of  their  wood- 
craft and  experience  with  the  Indians."  Brul6 
was  severely  censured  afterwards  for  having  aided 
the  English  vessels  to  ascend  to  Quebec,  thereby 
helping  materially  to  the  surrender  of  the  place ; 
but  he  knew  that  capitulation  would  save  the  occu- 
pants from  starvation.^ 

After  most  of  its  inhabitants  had  dispersed  in 
the  forests  for  food,  Quebec  surrendered.  Eng- 
land thus  gained  her  first  supremacy  upon  the  great 
river  of  Canada. 

The  terms  of  the  capitulation  were  that  the 
French  were  to  be  conveyed  to  their  own  country ; 
and  each  soldier  was  allowed  to  take  with  him 
furs  to  the  value  of  twenty  crowns.^  As  some  had 
lately  returned  from  the  Hurons  with  peltry  of  no 
small  value,  their  loss  was  considerable.  The 
French  prisoners,  including  Champlain,  were  con- 
veyed across  the  ocean  by  Kirk,  but  their  arrival 
in  England  was  after  a  treaty  of  peace  had  been 

'Charlevoix  says  (see  Shea's  translation,  vol.  II,  p.  50): 
' '  Kertk  [Kirk]  then  landed  at  Quebec  and  took  possession  of  the 
fort,  then  of  the  warehouse,  the  keys  of  which  he  committed  to 
one  Le  Baillif,  of  Amiens,  who  had  gone  over  to  the  enemy  with 
three  other  Frenchmen, —  Stephen  Bruld,  of  Champigny ;  Nicho- 
las Marsolet,  of  Rouen;  and  Peter  Raye,  of  Paris." 

°  See  Appendix,  Note  XX. 

*  For  the  terms  of  the  treaty  in  full,  see  Smith's  Canada,  vol. 
I,  p.  22. 


Capture  of  Quebec  by  the  English,  1629. 

IFac-simile  of  the  engraving  in  Hennepin's  New  Discovery,  1698,  p.  161.] 
'  By  courtesy  of  Houghton,  MiBlia  &  Company. 


DISCOVERIES   AND   EXPLORATIONS.  II9 

signed  between  the  two  powers.  The  result  was 
the  restoration  of  New  France  to  the  French 
crown;  and  on  July  5th,  1632,  Emery  de  Caen 
cast  anchor  at  Quebec  to  reclaim  the  country.^ 
Of  course,  Brul6  did  not  return  with  the  French 
prisoners  to  France  when  Quebec  surrendered, but 
again  journeyed  to  the  Hurons  sometime  before  the 
arrival  of  De  Caen.®  He  was  accompanied  by 
Amantacha,  a  native  Huron,''  who,  in  1626  (then  a 
mere  lad),  was  sent  to  France  by  the  missionaries, 
where  he  was  baptized.  Having  been  instructed 
there  by  the  Jesuits,  he  returned  to  Canada  before 
the  capture  of  Quebec  by  the  English, —  subse- 
quent to  which  event  he  entered  into  their  service 
as  interpreter. 

'  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Northwest  by  fohn  Nicole t, 
in  1634,  pp.  23,  24.  As  to  affairs  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  from  1617 
to  1633,  see,  of  works  in  English,  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France 
in  the  New  World,  pp.  390-412;  Warburton's  Conquest  of 
Canada,  vol.  I,  pp.  89-95;  Slafter,  in  Memoir  of  Champlain  — 
vol.  I,  of  the  Prince  Society  Publications  of  Champlain' s 
"■Voyages,"  pp.  143-178;  same,  in  "Champlain" — Winsor's 
Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  pp. 
126-129;  also  Winsor's  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  pp.  121 -146. 

'On  March  29th,  1632,  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  Canada 
was  ceded  by  England  to  France.  De  Caen  took  possession  of 
Quebec,  July  13th,  of  that  year. 

'  Known  among  the  French  as  "  Louis  de  Sainte  Foi." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

BRULfi  KILLED  AND  EATEN  BY  HURONS. — HIS  DEATH 
SOON  KNOWN  ABROAD. — THE  FEAR  OF  THE  SAV- 
AGES  BECAUSE   OF  THEIR   DEED. 

Once  again  among  the  Hurons,  and  Bnil6,  it 
seems,  gave  himself  wholly  to  a  savage  life ;  but 
his  Indian  friends  could  not  forget  he  was  a 
white  man.^  At  Toanch^,^  in  1632  (that  this  was 
the  year  it  is  now  sufficiently  established),  he 
was  barbarously  and  treacherously  murdered  — 
clubbed  to  death  —  by  those  in  whom  he  had  al- 
ways placed  the  utmost  confidence  as  his  faithful 
protectors.  What  cause  he  had  given  them  — 
whether  fancied  or  real  —  for  their  bloodthirsty 
and  most  cruel  act  is  unknown.  But  their  sav- 
ageness  did  not  stop  with  his  death.  In  their 
wild  and  horrible  ferocity  to  take  revenge  on 
their  victim,  they  feasted  upon  his  lireless  re- 
maitis."^ 

1 "  When  Canada  was  taken  by  Kirk,  Brul6  went  over  to  the 
English,  but  finally  returned  to  the  Huron  country,  and  became 
a  thorough  Indian." — John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  The  Pennsylvania 
Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  vol.  II,  p.  108. 

'This  Huron  village  —  chief  town  of  the  Bear  clan,  or  tribe  — 
seems  to  have  been  the  favorite  dwelling  place  of  Brul6  while  in 
the  Huron  country.  Its  exact  site  is  not  known.  Consult,  in 
this  connection,  Thwaites'  Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  DocU' 
tnents,  vol.  V,  p.  293. 

'Says  Shea:  "At  last  he  [Brul6]  gave  offense  to  his  new 
countrymen,  and  they  not  only  killed,  but  ate  him. "  ( The  Penn- 
sylvania Magazine  0/  History  and  Biography,  vol.  II,  p.  108.) 
See,  as  to  the  cannibalism  of  the  Hurons,  Appendix  to  our  Nar- 
rative, Note  XXI. 


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DISCOVERIES   AND    EXPLORATIONS.  121 

'•Brul6,"  says  Sagard,  "was  killed  and  then 
eaten  by  the  Hurons,  whom  he  had  so  long  served 
as  interpreter;  and  all  for  the  hatred  which  they 
bore  him ;  but  I  do  not  know  what  offense  he  com- 
mitted against  them.  There  were  many  years 
that  he  was  living  among  them,  following  the  cus- 
toms of  the  country  and  serving  as  interpreter; 
and  all  that  he  received  as  his  reward  was  a  painful 
death  —  a  nefarious  and  unhappy  end.  I  pray  God 
to  be  merciful  toward  him,  if  it  please  Him,  and 
to  have  pity  on  his  soul."  ' 

The  killing  of  Bru\6  was  soon  known  to  all  the 
surrounding  nations.  The  news  was  by  no  means 
disagreeable  to  those  tribes  having,  as  had  the  Hu- 
rons, traffic  relations  xvith  the  French.  It  was 
their  desire,  if  net  their  expectation,  that  reprisals 
would  be  the  result  and,  possibly,  war.  In  such 
an  event,  there  would  be  less  competition  and 
their  own  furs  would  command  better  prices  upon 
the  St.  Lawrence. 

It  was  in  the  year  1633  that  Champlain  was 
again  clothed  with  authority  in  Canada.  English 
domination  had  already  ceased,  and  with  his  com- 
mission renewed  he  resumed,  on  the  twenty-third 
of  May,  command  at  Quebec  in  behalf  of  the  Hun- 
dred Associates.  Scarcely  two  months  elapsed 
when  he  received  good  news  from  up  the  Ottawa. 
There  would  soon  arrive  a  large  number  of  Hu- 

'  Htstoire  du  Canada  (Paris  Reprint,  1866),  p.  430.  (See  Ap- 
pendix to  our  Narrative,  Note  XXII  [c].)  Language  so  sympa- 
thetic would  hardly  have  been  used  by  that  writer  had  he  be- 
lieved Brul6  to  have  been  a  bad  man.  He  knew  him ;  and  the 
prayer  of  the  good  friar  would  surely  not  have  had  much  heart 
in  it,  had  he  held  his  memory  in  abhorrence  because  of  his  going 
over  to  the  English  when  Quebec  fell  into  their  hands. 


122  HISTORY    OF   BRUL^'S 

rons  having  many  canoe-loads  of  peltry  for  barter 
with  the  French  traders.  However,  there  soon  came 
ill-tidings :  thus  far,  only  small  parties  had  reached 
their  destination,  having  each  but  few  canoes.  It 
seems  that  the  Island  Savages,  that  is,  the  "  Nation 
de  risle  "  of  the  French  —  inhabitants  of  Alumettes 
Island  —  and  the  other  Algonquins,  living  on  the 
route  from  the  Hurons  to  Quebec,  had  tried  to  dis- 
suade these  Indian  traders  from  visiting  Cham- 
plain,  telling  them  the  French  would  do  them  a  bad 
turn  on  account  of  their  killing  Brul^  and  that  an 
Algonquin  of  the  Little  Nation,  having  killed  a 
Frenchman,  had  been  taken  prisoner  and  condemned 
to  death;  also,  that  the  same  would  be  done  to 
some  Hurons.  Their  design  was  to  get  all  the 
merchandise  from  these  Hurons  at  a  very  low  price, 
in  order  afterwards  to  come  themselves  and  trade 
it,  either  with  the  French  or  the  English. 

At  this  juncture,  Amantacha,  the  Huron,  was  at 
Quebec.  He  was  sent  by  Champlain  to  meet  the 
Indians.  He  assured  those  of  his  tribe  of  the  good 
feeling  of  the  French  toward  them,  declaring  that 
they  might  put  him  to  death  if  the  French  did  not 
give  them  a  warm  welcome.  As  to  Brule,  who 
had  been  murdered,  Amantacha  declared  he  was 
not  looked  upon  as  a  Frenchman,  because  he  had 
left  his  nation  and  gone  over  to  the  English.  This 
proved  to  be  a  convincing  argument  to  the  sav- 
ages—  completely  allaying  their  fears.  On  July 
28th,  Amantacha  came  back  to  Champlain;  and  the 
next  day  not  less  than  five  hundred  Hurons,  in 
about  one  hundred  and  forty  canoes,  all  at  once 
made  their  appearance  and  the  most  cordial  greet- 
ings followed. 


DISCOVERIES  AND   EXPLORATIONS.  123 

In  1634,  the  missionary  Br^beuf,  having  again 
determined  to  start  a  mission  among  the  Hurons, 
reached  his  old  town  of  Toanch6,  where  he  had 
lived  three  years  —  from  1626  to  1629  —  but  it  was 
now  a  desolation.  Only  a  vestige  of  his  little  bark 
chapel  was  remaining ;  —  the  village  had  been 
burnt  to  the  ground ;  its  inhabitants  had  fled  to  a 
spot  some  distance  away,  where  they  had  built  a 
new  town  —  all  because  they  feared  some  terrible 
judgment  would  overtake  them  if  they  longer 
remained  where  Brul6  was  killed ;  they  would,  if 
possible,  avert  what  was  feared  might  be  an  awful 
punishment  for  their  crime.  Br^beuf  found,  as 
he  believed,  the  very  spot  where  "  poor  Brul6  " 
died.i 

But  the  removal  from  Toanch^  did  not  avail  to 
secure  immunity  to  the  Indians  of  the  place.  A 
terrible  pestilence  devastated  the  land  a  consider- 
able time  after  the  event,  and  not  a  few  of  the 
savages  were  convinced  it  was  because  of  their 
deed.  A  sister  of  the  murdered  Brul6  was  said  to 
have  been  seen  flying  over  the  country,  breathing 
death  and  destruction  as  she  hastened  onward.  She 
was  her  brother's  avenger;  and  nothing  could  stay 
her  onward  course. —  So  it  was  that  the  woman 
carried  terror  to  the  minds  of  the  guilty  Hurons, 
and  the  deadly  pestilence  could  not  be  assuaged. 

'  Br^beuf,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1635,  pp.  28,29:  "I  saw 
also  the  place  where  the  poor  Jltienne  Brul6  had  been  barbar- 
ously and  treacherously  murdered."  It  is  evident  |,Brebeuf  har- 
bored no  ill-will  against  Brule.  His  language  was  very  different 
from^^that  of  Champlain,  given  in  the  "  Voyages"  of  1632.       „  ^ 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE  I. 
champlain's  works. 

The  "Voyages"  of  Champlain,  which  might  with  much  pro- 
priety be  termed  his  "Journals,"  were  published  at  different 
times  from  1603  to  1632.  The  first  volume  was  printed  in  1603 
under  the  title  Des  Savvages;*  the  next  publication  appeared  in 
1613,  republished  in  1615  and  1617;  the  next,  in  1619  (reissued  in 
1620  and  1627) ;  and  the  next  and  last — "  a  compendium  of  all  his 
previous  publications,  with  much  additional  matter" — in  1632 
(reissued,  it  is  said,  in  1640). 

The  edition  of  1632  comprises  extended  extracts  from  what 
Champlain  had  already  published,  and  a  continuation  of  the  nar- 
rative to  1631.  There  is  also  published  in  the  same  volume  a 
Treatise  on  Navigation,  and  a  Catechism  translated  from  the 
French  by  one  of  the  Fathers  into  the  language  of  the  Montagnais.f 

The  complete  works  of  Champlain  in  French  are  accessible  to 
the  reader  in  the  volumes  entitled : 

"  CEuvres  de  Champlain,  publiees  sous,  le  Patronage  de  I'Uni- 
versit6  Laval.  Par  I'Abb^  C.  H.  Laverdiere,  M.  A.  Seconde  Edi- 
tion [the  first  Edition  was  burned].  6  tomes,  4to.  Quebec: 
Imprime  au  Seminaire  par  Geo.  E.  Desbarats,  1870." 

In  1878,  1880  and  1882,  an  English  translation  of  the  "Voy- 
ages" of  Champlam  of  1604,  of  1613  and  1619,  was  printed  by  the 
Prince  Society,  in  three  volumes,  vinder  the  title  of  Voyages  of 
Samuel  de  Champlain.  Translated  from  the  French  by  Charles 
Pomeroy  Otis,  Ph.D.      With   Historical  Illustrations  and  a 

*Translated,  the  title  reads— "  The  Savages,  or  Voyage  of  Samuel  de 
Champlain  of  Brouage,  Made  in  New  France  in  the  year  1603." 

t"The  volume  of  1632  contains  what  is  not  given  in  any  of  the  previous 
publications  of  Champlain.  That  is,  it  extends  his  narrative  over  the  period 
from  1620  to  1632.  It  likewise  goes  over  the  same  ground  that  is  covered  not 
only  by  the  volume  of  1613,  but  also  by  the  other  still  later  publications  of 
Champlain,  up  to  1620.  It  includes,  moreover,  a  treatise  on  navigation.  In 
the  second  place,  it  is  an  abridgment,  and  not  a  second  edition  in  any  proper 
dense."— Charles  Pomeroy  Otis,  in  vol.  I,  of  Champlain's  "  yoyages  "  {Publi- 
cations o/the  Prince  Society),  p.  219. 


126  APPENDIX. 

Memoir  by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  SI  after,  A.  M.  The  "  Memoir  " 
occupies  the  greater  part  of  vol.  I;  and  both  the  "  Memoir"  and 
the  "  Voyages  "  are  learnedly  annotated. 

"  His  [Champlain's]  books,"  says  Parkman,  "  mark  the  man, — 
all  for  his  theme  and  his  purpose,  nothing  for  himself.  Crude  in 
style,  full  of  the  superficial  errors  of  carelessness,  and  haste, 
rarely  diffuse,  often  brief  to  a  fault,  they  bear  on  every  page 
the  palpable  impress  of  truth  \Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World,  p.  420]."  But  it  cannot  be  said,  strictly  speaking,  that 
the  edition  of  1632  is  one  of  "  his  books" — that  is,  in  its  entirety, 
as  will  *!:>w  be  seen. 

"  The  most  competent  critics  who  have  examined  the  edition 
of  1632  .  .  .  including  Laverdiere,  Ma^gry,  and  Harrisse, 
agree  that  it  bears  internal  evidence  of  having  been  compiled  by 
a  foreign  hand,  from  the  various  editions  previously  pub- 
lished."—  Marshall,  in  The  Magazine  of  American  History, 
vol.  II,  p.  472. 

"Although  the  final  edition  of  Champlain's  narratives  bears 
the  date  of  1632,  there  are  some  reasons  to  think  that  it  was 
really  issued  the  following  year  (1633),  after  Champlain  had  re- 
turned to  Quebec.  This  book,  in  which  several  Paris  publishers 
seem  to  have  been  conjointly  interested,  contains  in  the  first  part 
a  condensation  of  his  previous  publications,  and  in  the  second  a 
continuation  of  his  experiences  from  1620  to  1631.  The  last 
year's  doings  were  apparently  not  written  by  Champlain  him- 
self. Indeed,  it  is  manifest  to  more  careful  critics  that  the 
volume,  including  its  map,  failed  to  receive  Champlain's  per- 
sonal supervision,  and  was  prepared  for  the  press  by  another 
hand." — Winsor:  Cartier  to  Frontenac, -p^.  139-141. 

This  edition  (that  of  1632),  says  Kingsford,  in  his  History  of 
Canada,  was  "an  engine  to  influence  opinion,  so  that  Canada, 
restored  to  France,  should  be  given  over  entirely  to  the  Jesuits."  * 
As  to  that  author's  criticisms  on  the  concluding  chapters,  see 
vol.  I,  of  his  work  just  cited,  p.  ioi«.  (Compare,  in  this  con- 
nection, Winsor:  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  pp.  141-144.) 

-  ■  'W  ■.■"■ 
NOTE  II.      .    ' 

OF   THE   HURONS,    ALGONQUINS,    MONTAGNAIS   AND    IROQUOIS. 

The  first  name  given  to  the  Hurons  by  Champlain  was  Ochas- 
taiguins,  or  Ochateguins,  after  one  of  their  chiefs  named  Ocha- 
teguin.     They  were  nicknamed  "  Hurons"  by  the  French,  from 

■''<  Canada  yielded  to  the  English  in  1629,  as  shown  in  our  Narrative,  but  was 
' '  restored  to  Franc*;  "  in  1632. 


APPENDIX.  127 

their  manner  of  wearing  their  hair:  ''Quelle  httres !  What 
boars'  heads! "  said  they;  and  so  they  got  to  calling  them  "  Hu- 
rons". — Charlevoix'  History  of  New  France  (Shea's  Transla- 
tion), vol.  II,  p.  71.  Champlain  afterward  called  them  "  Atti- 
gouautans,"  but  their  true  name  was  "  Wendat "  (or,  as  the  French 
spelled  it,  "Ouendat"). 

The  term  "Algonquin,"  as  used  by  Champlain,  was  given  by 
him  first  to  all  those  Indians  not  Hurons  who  came  down  the 
Ottawa.  Afterwards,  he  restricted  the  name,  applying  it  only 
to  those  who  actually  lived  upon  that  river  below  the  portage 
leading  to  Lake  Nipissing.  There  never  was  an  Algonquin  (or 
Algonkin)  nation ;  that  is,  one  having  that  name  as  belonging  dis- 
tinctively to  it,  so  called  by  themselves  and  otlier  nations.  Soon, 
however,  the  "Algonquins"  of  Champlai  .  became  the  "  Otta- 
was"  of  other  writers  (the  name  having  many  synonyms).  Fi- 
nally, "Algonquin  "  took  on  a  broader  signification,  being  applied 
only  in  a  generic  sense,  to  designate  all  those  nations  speaking 
languages  radically  similar  (first  to  the  Ottawas  and  then  to 
others),  wherever  found. 

The  Montagnais  —  the  "rabble  of  the  woods"  —  occupied  the 
St.  Lawrence  and  northern  water-courses  to  Hudson's  bay. 
They  were  of  a  low  type. 

"  The  Montagnais  or  Montaignets  had  their  great  trading-post 
at  Tadoussac,  and  roamed  over  a  vast  territory  north  and  east  of 
that  point,  and  west  of  it  as  far  as  the  mountains  that  separate 
the  Saguenay  and  those  of  the  Ottawa.  The  name  was  given  to 
them  by  the  French  from  this  mountain  range. ' ' —  Slafter :  Prince 
Society  Pttblications  of  Ckamplain's  ''Voyages,"  vol.  II,  p. 
igGw.  There  was  no  one  nation,  however,  having  properly 
' '  Montagnais ' '  as  its  name. 

The  Iroquois  (mention  of  whom  is  also  made  ia  Chapters  III 
and  IV  of  this  narrative)  were  a  formidable  confederacy  of  five 
savage  nations  dwelling  in  fortified  villages  within  limits  now  em- 
braced by  the  State  of  New  York.  They  spoke  a  language  radi- 
cally similar  to  the  Hurons ;  but  they  were  the  deadly  foes  of 
the  latter,  and  were  at  war  also  with  the  Montagnais  and  the 
Algonquins. 

The  name  Iroquois  was  given  these  savages  by  the  French. 
Charlevoix  explains  the  meaning  by  referring  it  to  the  words  used 
by  those  Indians  whenever  they  came  to  the  ending  of  an  ad- 
dress, or  speech,  in  their  councils.  But  this  is  undoubtedly 
error,  as  the  word  is  used  by  Champlain  before  any  Frenchmen 
had  ever  been  present  at  their  meetings. 


128  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  III. 

EXCHANGE   OF    HOSTAGES — BRULfi   AND    SAVIGNON. 

'*  He  [Champlain]  joined  their  [the  Indians']  camp  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Richelieu  River,  and  led  them  to  an  attack  on  an 
Iroquois  barricade,  which  had  been  hastily  constructed,  not  far 
up  the  river.  The  attack  was  so  successful  that  not  a  hostile 
savage  escaped. 

"  It  was  after  this  June  onset,  and  while  he  was  encamped  with 
his  allies  on  an  island  in  Lake  St.  Peter,  that  he  and  they  made 
a  mutual  exchange  of  hostages,  in  giving  and  taking  a  young 
man  on  each  side.  Champlain  received  the  savage  Savignon, 
whom  he  later  took  to  France,  and  he  gave  them  a  young 
Frenchman, —  there  is  reason  to  believe  he  is  the  same  who  later 
became  known  as  ^tienne  Brule." — Justin  Winsor,  in  Car  tier 
to  Frontenac,  pp.  99,  100. 

That  the  young  Frenchman  was  Brul6,  is  made  certain  by 
Champlain's  own  words  spoken  in  i6i8,  when  he  says  Brul6  had 
then  been  living  with  the  Indians  eight  years.  (Note  XVI,  post.) 
He  must  have  gone  with  them,  then,  in  1610,  which,  as  just 
shown,  was  the  year  he  left  Champlain  to  go  with  the  Indians; 
and  it  is  evident  no  other  white  person  in  that  year  or  previously 
had  been  sent  among  the  savages. 

A  recent  writer,  after  speaking  of  the  capture  of  the  Iroquois 
fort,  or  barricade,  by  Champlain  and  his  Indian  allies,  June  19, 
1610,  alludes  to  Brul6,  but  only  as  a  "young  Frenchman";  he 
gives  him  no  name:  "When  the  celebration  of  the  victory  had 
been  completed,  the  Indians  departed  to  their  distant  abodes. 
Champlain,  however,  before  their  departure,  very  wisely  entered 
into  an  agreement  that  they  should  receive  for  the  winter  a  young 
Frenchman  who  was  anxious  to  learn  their  language,  and,  in 
returii,  he  was  himself  to  take  a  young  Huron,  at  their  special 
request,  to  pass  the  winter  in  France.  This  judicious  arrange- 
ment, in  which  Champlain  was  deeply  interested  and  which  he 
found  some  difficulty  in  accomplishing,  promised  an  important 
future  advantage  in  extending  the  knowledge  of  both  parties,  and 
in  strengthening  on  the  foundation  of  personal  experience  their 
mutual  confidence  and  friendship. " — Rev.  E.  F.  Slafter,  in  vol. 
I  (pp.  102,  103),  of  Champlain's  ''Voyages" — Prince  Society 
Publications.  Parkman  (in  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World,  p.  335«)  seems  not  to  have  had  a  suspicion  that  Cham- 
plain's  servant  was  Brul6:  "The  first  white  man  to  descend 
the  rapids  of  St  Louis  was  a  youth  who  had  volunteered  the 
previous  summer  [1610]  to  go  with  the  Htirons  to  their  country." 


APPENDIX.  129 

Again,  he  says  (p.  339):  "After  his  [Champlain's]  second  fight 
with  the  Iroquois,  a  young  man  of  his  company  had  boldly  volun- 
teered to  join  the  Indians  on  their  homeward  journey  and  winter 
among  them." 

The  following  extracts,  taken  from  the  Ottawa  Evening  Jour- 
nal of  Jan.  12,  1889,  are  from  an  article  by  Mr.  Benjamin  Suite, 
entitled  "Annals  of  the  Ottawa."  Mr.  Suite  clearly  identifies 
Champlain's  "young  man"  as  Brul6: 

"  The  French  archives  are  replete  with  detailed  information 
on  the  various  expeditions  of  their  people  in  the  early  days  of  this 
colony,  but  no  precise  note  has  been  kept  of  the  first  attempts,  if 
any,  made  to  discover  the  valley  of  the  Ottawa  [river,  Canada] 
before  the  years  i6io-'i3. 

"  I  must  mention  the  voyage  of  Samuel  Champlain  from  Tad- 
oussac  to  Montreal  in  1603.  At  Tadoussac,  he  spoke  to  some 
Algonquins  of  the  Ottawa,  who  had  come  there  during  their 
usual  summer  wanderings.  Tessouat  was  the  chief  of  that  band, 
and  his  village  was  on  the  Allumette  island.  On  their  way  down 
the  St.  Lawrence  they  had  killed  some  Iroquois,  which  gave 
them  an  opportunity  to  celebrate  their  victory  in  the  presence  of 
Champlain,  with  a  view  to  show  him  the  valor  of  '  the  noble  red 
man." 

"A  few  weeks  afterwards,  Champlain  visited  the  Island  of 
Montreal,  and  enquired  of  the  origin  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River, 
but  his  report  says  nothing  concerning  the  Ottawa  except  these 
two  lines :  '  There  is  a  river  going  to  the  country  of  the  Algon- 
quins, who  reside  at  a  distance  of  some  sixty  leagues  from  the 
St.  Lawrence. '  The  Island  of  Montreal  was  without  inhabitants 
in  1603.  According  to  some  traditions,  the  Huron-Iroquois  of  the 
time  of  Cartier  had  been  driven  away  by  the  Algonquins  in  the 
second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

"  When  Champlain  came  back  [from  France]  five  years  later 
(1608),  he  met  at  Quebec  the  son  of  an  Algonquin  chief  called 
Iroquet.  .  .  .  Later  on,  Iroquet  solicited  Champlain  to  follow 
him  in  a  campaign  against  the  Iroquois.  Consequently,  by  the 
end  of  June,  1609,  they  met  near  Lake  St.  Peter,  and  marched  in 
the  direction  of  the  River  Chambly  and  then  to  Lake  Cham- 
plain, where  they  fought  a  battle.  On  the  occasion,  Iroquet  was 
accompanied  by  a  band  of  Indians  under  a  chief  named  Ochate- 
quin,  great  enemies  of  the  Iroquois,  and  the  same  that  Cham- 
plain had  heard  of  in  1603,  when  the  Algonquins  described  them  as 
'  good  Iroquois ' .  Hurons  is  their  name  in  our  History.  They  [the 
Hurons]  lived  on  the  south  shore  of  Penetanguishene  Bay,  extend- 
ing towards  Lake  Simcoe,  as  this  bay  and  lake  are  now  named,  and 


130  APPENDIX. 

spoke  the  same  langfuage  as  the  Iroquois,  who  belonged  to  the 
same  race  but  inhabited  the  south  side  of  Lake  Ontario,  after- 
wards so-called,  from  what  is  now  Buffalo  to  the  present  Albany. 

"  The  Hurons  came  to  Montreal  and  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence 
through  what  is  now  termed  French  River,  Lake  Nipissing,  River 
Matawan  and  the  Ottawa.  No  doubt  Champlain  obtained  from 
those  people  a  good  deal  of  information  concering  the  west,  and 
especially  the  Ottawa.  He  had  already  seen  (in  1603)  specimens 
of  native  copper  taken,  as  stated  by  the  Indians,  from  the 
vicinity  of  a  large  sea,  which  no  doubt  is  Lake  Superior. 

"Now  comes  the  expedition  of  Champlain  from  Quebec  to 
Lake  St.  Peter,  in  1610,  marked  by  three  important  facts:  a  bat- 
tle with  the  Iroquois,  a  large  trade  with  the  tribes  of  the  Upper 
St.  Lawrence  and  Upper  Ottawa,  and  the  departure  of  a  young 
man  who  followed  the  Algonquins  in  their  return  home. — Who 
was  this  young  man?    .     .     .     We  will  try  to  find  out. 

"  Two-thirds  of  the  men  who  had  remained  in  Quebec  the  first 
autumn  (1608)  of  the  establishment  of  that  post,  died  during  the 
winter  from  the  effects  of  a  scorbutic  disease.  In  the  spring 
seven  men  only  were  living  with  Champlain  himself.  One  of 
them  was  a  young  man  named  6tienne  (Stephen,  in  English) 
Brul6,  a  native  of  Champigny,  a  small  place  near  Paris.  I  be- 
lieve he  was  the  first  white  individual  who  saw  the  Ottawa  Valley ; 
this  is  how  I  explain  it : 

"  The  object  of  enlisting  Brule,  Nicolet,  Marsolet,  Hertel,  Mar- 
guerie  and  other  grown-up  boys  for  service  in  Canada  from  1608 
to  1620  was  to  educate  them  as  interpreters.  They  all  could 
read  and  write ;  some  of  them  were  even  perfect  scholars.  In 
less  than  one  year  each  of  these  young  adventurers  used  to  learn 
an  Indian  language,  and  sometimes  they  mastered  two  or  three 
idioms  after  a  very  short  period.    .     .     . 

"During  the  summer  of  1610,  Iroquet  attended  the  trade 
business  at  Lake  St.  Peter.  Champlain  asked  him  to  take  a 
man  with  him  in  order  to  visit  his  country  and  report  about  it. 
The  offer  was  accepted,  provided  an  Indian  would  be  chosen  to 
embark  for  France  for  the  same  purpose.  Savignon,  who  be- 
longed to  the  Huron  tribes,  was  selected  to  make  the  trip  to  Paris. 
Champlain  recites  on  this  ocasion:  '  I  had  a  young  man  who  had 
already  spent  two  winters  at  Quebec  and  who  desired  to  go  with 
the  Algonquins  to  learn  their  language.  I  thought  it  well  to 
send  him  in  that  direction  because  he  could  see  the  country,  also 
the  great  lake  (Huron),  observe  the  rivers,  the  people,  the  mines 
and  other  rare  things,  so  as  to  report  truth  about  all  this.  He 
accepted  the  duty  with  pleasure. ' 


APPENDIX.  131 

"No  name  is  given.  In  all  the  narratives  of  Champlain, 
previous  to  this  date  [1610],  we  find  no  trace  of  any  white  man 
attempting  to  visit  the  Ottawa.  This  one  must  be  considered  the 
first  explorer.  But  who  was  he?  If  you  turn  to  Champlain's 
'  Journal,'  during  the  summer  of  i6i8,  you  will  read  that  6tienne 
Brule  had  been  at  that  date  eight  years  amongst  the  Indians.  .  . 
Brule,  or  the  lad  sent  to  Upper  Canada  by  Champlain  [in  1610], 
had  at  the  same  time  an  opportunity  of  observing  the  usages  of 
the  savages. 

"  When  summer  (1611)  came  bright  again  on  the  St.  Lawrence, 
Champlain  paddled  his  canoe  from  Quebec  to  Montreal  and 
awaited  for  the  arrival  of  his  friends  of  the  forest.  Savigjnon  ac- 
companied him,  and  his  impatience  to  see  his  relatives  was  so 
great  that  he  started  ahead  to  meet  them  but  only  went  as  far  as 
Lake  Two  Mountains.  .  .  .  Listen  to  Champlain's  rtport. 
'On  the  13th  June,  1611,  arrived  two  hundred  Charioquois  (Hu- 
rons)  with  Captains  Ochateguin  and  Iroquet,  also  Tregouaroti, 
a  brother  of  Savignon,  and  they  brought  back  my  young  man 
[Brule]  who  had  mastered  their  language  very  well.  Four  of 
them  assured  me  that  they  had  seen  the  sea  at  a  considerable 
distance  from  their  own  country. '  " 

NOTE  IV. 

AS   TO    BRUL6    being  THE  FIRST  WHITE  PERSON  TO    "  SHOOT  "    LACHINE 

RAPIDS. 

"The  first  white  man  to  descend  the  rapids  of  St.  Louis 
[Lachine  rapids]  was  a  youth  [Brul6,  as  we  assume]  who  had 
volunteered,  the  previous  summer,  to  go  with  the  Hurons  to  their 
country  and  winter  among  them, —  a  proposal  to  which  Cham- 
plain gladly  assented.  The  second  was  a  young  man  named 
Louis,  who  had  gone  up  with  Indians  to  an  island  in  the  rapid, 
to  shoot  herons,  and  was  drowned  in  the  descent.  The  third  was 
Champlain  himself." — Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World, 
p.  335«.  But  the  facts,  as  related  by  Champlain,  are,  that 
Savignon  and  a  Montagnais,  while  all  were  waiting  the  arrival  of 
the  Hurons  and  Algonquins,  started  with  Louis  for  the  island 
and,  on  their  return,  the  latter  and  the  Indian  were  drowned. 
This  can  hardly  be  considered  a  descent  of  the  rapids  by  the  un- 
fortunate Frenchman.  Afterward,  Brul6,  in  company  with  the 
Hurons,  on  his  return  from  their  country,  "shot"  the  rapids; 
and,  subsequently,  he  and  Champlain  together  were  safely  piloted 
down  by  Indians. 


132  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  V. 

SIGNIFICATION   OK   THE   WORD    "  CARANTOUANNAIS. '* 

"  I  have  seen  only  one  derivation  of  the  word  '  Carantouannais ; ' 
and  that  one  seems  far-fetched:  'Great  tree  —  Gavonta-(go)- 
wane.'  " — John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  The  Pennsylvania  Magazine 
of  History  and  Biography,  vol.  II,  p.  103.  In  Gen.  John  S. 
Clark's  ideal  map  to  be  found  in  Dr.  Charles  Hawley's  Early 
Chapters  of  Cayuga  History  (Auburn:  1879),  these  Indians  are 
mentioned  as  "  Carantouannais,  or  Onontiogas." 

In  the  edition  of  1619,  of  his  Voyages,  Champlain,  in  the  ac- 
count of  his  expedition  of  161 5,  gives  no  name  to  these  Indians. 
He  speaks  of  them  only  as  "a  certain  nation;"  so,  also,  in  his 
Narrative  of  161 8,  in  the  same  edition. 

To  the  edition  of  Champlain's  Voyages  of  1632  is  added  a  large 
map  of  New  France,  usually  spoken  of  as  "Champlain's  Map 
of  1632."  On  this  map  are  numbers  inserted  at  various  localities 
of  note.  These  refer  to  an  Index  in  the  book  having  explanations 
of  gfreater  or  less  extent  of  the  points  at  which  they  are  placed. 
The  nation  just  mentioned  as  living  to  the  south  of  the  Onon- 
dagas  is  named  on  the  map  "  Carantouannais,"  and  in  the  Index 
"  Carantouanis. "  Shea,  Slafter,  and  others,  drop  one  «,  thus: 
"  Carantouanais. "  Parkman  gives  "  Carantoiians  "  in  \\\sfe suits 
in  North  America,  p.  XLVI«  —  and  "  Carantouans "  in  his 
Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p.  377.  Occasionally, 
we  find  some  authors  writing,  ' '  Carantowans. ' ' 

NOTE  VI. 

THE   CHOUONTOUAROOON    IDENTICAL    WITH    THE   SENECAS. 

That  the  Chouontouaroiion  and  Senecas  were  one  and  the 
same,  see  O.  H.  Marshall,  in  The  Magazine  of  American  His- 
tory, vol.  I,  pp.  I  -  5 ;  where,  however,  he  spells  the  name  first 
mentioned  incorrectly.  One  of  the  most  important  facts  to  prove 
the  correctness  of  his  conclusions  —  the  delineation  upon  Cham- 
plain's Map  of  1632,  of  the  circuitous  route  taken  usually  by  the 
Hurons  in  going  to  their  allies  upon  the  Susquehanna  river  —  is 
overlooked  by  Mr.  Marshall.  ' '  This  nation  [the  Carantouan- 
nais]," says  Champlain,  "  is  very  warlike  according  to  the  repre- 
sentation of  the  Attigouautans  [Hurons].  They  are  only  three 
villages  in  the  midst  of  more  than  twenty  others  against  which 
they  carry  on  war,  not  being  able  to  get  assistance  from  their 
friends,  especially  as  they  [their  friends  —  the  Hurons],  must  pass 
through  the  country  of  the  Chouontouaroiion  [Senecas],  or  go  a 


ATPENDIX.  I  33 

great  way  round."  Champlain  uses  "Attigouautans "  (and 
sometimes  "Attignouaatitans,"  or  "Atinouaentans")  for  the 
"  Hurons,"  although,  strictly  speaking,  the  name  belonged  to 
one  only  of  the  five  tribes,  or  clans,  of  that  nation. 

NOTE  VII. 

MARCH  OK  CHAMPLAIN  AND  HIS  HURONS  TO  THE  ONONDAlIA  VILLACK. 
— CONFLICTING  VIEWS  AS  TO  THE    SITE   OK   THE   ENEMV'S    STRONGHOLD. 

"  There  has  always  gathered  around  Champlain's  expedition 
into  the  land  of  the  Five  Nations,  a  romance  inseparable  from 
bold  and  gallant  adventure.  It  was  not  perhaps  prudent,  it  was 
not  war,  but  it  was  brilliant,  and  it  had  all  the  dash  of  a  zealous 
explorer,  eager  to  see  something  new. 

"  While  Virginia  was  just  struggling  into  life,  and  the  States 
of  Holland  were  organizing  into  a  government,  the  few  frail 
structures  thrown  up  at  New  Amsterdam  and  Fort  Orange,  [it 
was  previous  to  any  permanent  structures  at  New  Amsterdam 
and  before  the  beginning  of  Fort  Orange],  while  New  England 
was  still  a  desert,  its  woods  not  yet  tuned  to  echo  the  psalmody  of 
the  Puritan,  Samuel  de  Champlain,  who  had  fought  too  long 
against  the  Leaguers  in  France  to  relish  listless  idleness,  had  ex- 
plored the  New  England  coast  and  mapped  all  its  harbors,  had 
founded  Quebec,  ascended  the  Ottawa,  and  reached  Lake  Huron, 
had  discovered  the  lake  that  bears  his  name,  and  taken  a  hand 
in  Indian  wars. 

"  There  was  just  the  stir  and  freshness  in  it  all  that  charmed 
him.  In  1615,  he  was  at  a  Huron  town  near  Lake  Simcoe,  and 
his  Huron  and  Algonquin  allies  were  planning  a  great  expedition 
against  an  enemy  who  lay  beyond  Ontario  {the  beautiful  lake), 
in  the  lake-dotted  fe-tile  territory  to  the  south.  The  town  of  a 
tribe,  whom  he  styles  in  his  narrative  the  Entouohonorons 
[Entouhonorons],  was  to  be  the  point  of  attack.  A  kindred 
nation,  the  Carantouanais  .  .  .  stout  warriors,  living  in  three 
towns  near  the  Susquehanna,  were  to  cooperate  with  the  Hurons. 
Would  Champlain  take  a  hand  in  the  matter?  Of  course  he 
would 

"Champlain,  with  the  rest  of  Frenchmen,  joined  the  great 
Huron  war  party,  and  after  the  usual  feasts  and  dances,  the 
Frenchmen  and  their  dusky  allies  left  the  town  of  Cahiague, 
their  starting-point,  north  of  Lake  Simcoe  [for  the  Onondaga 
stronghold] 

"  The  Huron  town  Cahiague,  from  which  the  Huron  war  party 
[with  Champlain  and  his  French  companions]  set  out,  Sept.  i. 


134  APPENDIX. 

1615,  was  some  years  later  called  by  the  Jesuits  St.  Jean  Baptistc, 
and  though  it  may  have  been  removed  from  the  original  site  a 
few  miles,  cannot  be  far  from  the  position  given  it  on  Du  Creux's 
map,  between  Lake  Simcoe  and  Lake  Couchiching.  They  era- 
barked  on  the  latter  lake,  entered  Simcoe,  and  having  .  .  , 
sent  Brul6  with  twelve  Hurons  to  the  Susquehanna  region  to 
notify  their  allies,  they  made  the  portage  to  Sturgeon  Lake,  and 
thence  through  Pigeon,  Buckhorn,  Clear,  and  Rice  Lakes,  the 
Ontonabee  and  Trent  Rivers,  plying  their  paddles  where  there 
was  a  good  stretch  of  water,  or  making  a  toilsome  portage  over- 
land at  the  frequent  rapids.  They,  finally,  after  64  leagues' 
travel,  reached  Quinte  Bay,  and  sailing  up  that  sheet  of  water, 
reached  the  waters  of  Lake  Ontario." — John  Gilmary  Shea,  in 
The  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  vol. 

n,  pp.  103, 105. 

That  author  also  says  (same  vol.,  p.  103):  "  Of  this  expedition 
Champlain  is  oar  historian,  for  he  was  always  ready  with  his 
pen,  and  as  a  trained  navigator  mapped  a  coast  or  country  with 
no  little  skill  and  accuracy.  His  accounts  appeared  first  in  a 
volume  of  his  voyages,  published  in  Paris  in  1619,  with  a  picture 
of  the  Indian  fort  [the  Onondaga  stronghold] ;  and  in  an  abridged 
form  in  a  general  collection  of  his  voyages,  published  in  the 
French  capital  in  1632,  and  accompanied  by  a  map  of  New  France, 
on  which  the  course  of  the  expedition  over  New  York  soil  and 
the  position  of  the  fort  which  the  Hurons  and  their  French  allies 
attacked  are  laid  down. 

"The  RecoUet  Sagard  wrote,  subsequently  to  the  expedition, 
two  works,  his  'Great  Voyage  to  the  Huron  Country,'  and  his 
'  History  of  Canada;'  but  neither  of  these  volumes  throws  any 
further  light  upon  the  route  pursued,  or  the  citadel  which  the 
allies  proposed  to  take.  The  later  work  of  the  RecoUet 
LeClerq,  based  on  manuscripts  of  Champlain's  time,  introduces 
a  few  new  facts,  but  is  too  vague  to  be  of  any  service  in  the 
main  question  [as  to  the  location  of  the  fort].  The  documents 
bearing  upon  the  point  are,  therefore,  Champlain's  narrative 
(1619)  [that  is,  published  in  that  year],  the  picture  of  the  fort, 
and  the  map  in  the  edition  of  1632." 

There  are  three  points  —  each  one  of  which  has  been  suggested 
as  the  most  likely  location  of  the  Onondaga  village:  (i)  The 
right  (or  east)  bank  of  Onondaga  creek,  not  a  great  distance 
south  of  the  present  city  of  Syracuse;  (2)  the  east  side  of  Onon- 
daga lake;  (3)  Nichols  Pond,  in  the  town  of  Fenner,  Madison 
county.*  Other  points  that  have  been  advocated  are  now  con- 
sidered as  out  of  the  range  of  a  reasonable  probability. 

*  Nichols  Pond— in  the  northeast  corner  of  the  town  of  Fenner,  in  Madison 
county,  N.  Y.,  three  miles  east  of  the  village  of  Perryville,  and  ten  miles  by 
an  air  line,  south  of  the  east  end  of  Oneida  lake. 


APPENDIX.  135 

Consult  further  as  to  the  Onondaga  stronghold,  John  Gilmary 
Shea,  in  The  Pennsylvania  Ma):;azine  of  History  and  Riogra' 
phy,  vol.  II,  pp.  103-108;  O.  H.  Marshall,  in  T/ie  Magazine  of 
American  History,  vol.  I,  pp.  6-13,  and  vol.  11,  p.  470-483; 
George  Geddes,  in  same,  vol.  I,  pp.  521-537;  El.  F.  Slafter,  in 
Prince  Society  Publications  of  Champlain's  "  Voyages,"  vol.  I, 
p.  i30»,  and  in  his  "Champlain,"  in  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  p.  125;  Parkman,  in  Pioneers  of 
France  in  the  New  World,  p.  373;  Justin  Winsor,  in  Cartier  to 
Frontenac,  pp.  117,  118;  and  the  writers  cited  by  these  authors. 
However,  a  consideration  of  this  question  has  but  little  impor- 
tance in  our  narrative  except  as  a  help  in  approximating  the 
location  of  Carantouan — "three  short  days'  journey  south." 
The  most  prominent  writers  to  take  sides  in  regard  to  the  locality 
of  the  fort,  or  village,  are  Gen.  John  S.  Clark  and  O.  H.  Marshall. 

In  his  "Champlain,"  Mr.  Slafter  (Winsor's  Narrative  and 
Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  p.  125)  gives,  in  a  sketch- 
map,  both  the  route  advocated  by  Marshall  and  the  one  suggested 
by  Clark,  from  the  point  where  Champlain  first  struck  the  shore 
of  Lake  Ontario  to  the  Onondaga  village.  These  routes  come 
together  near  the  outlet  of  Oneida  Lake,  Clark's  going  thence 
southeast  to  Nichols  Pond  and  Marshall's  southwest  to  Onondaga 
lake.  (See,  also,  Winsor's  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  p.  iiS. )  If, 
now,  Marshall's  route  be  continued  about  ten  miles  from  the  site 
he  advocates  to  a  point  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Onondaga  cree.'t, 
not  far  above  the  present  city  of  Syracuse,  then  the  place  sug- 
gested by  Geddes  will  be  reached  (see  his  map  in  The  Magazine 
of  American  History,  vol.  I,  p.  521) ;  but,  in  going  from  the  fishery 
to  the  fort,  it  is  probable  Onondaga  lake  was  left  some  distance 
to  the  right  (or  west). 

As  there  is  a  general  acquiescing  on  all  hands  as  to  the  location 
of  the  "  fishery  "  being  at  the  outlet  of  the  Oneida  lake  (and  there 
can  be  little  or  no  doubt  but  such  was  the  fact),  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  go  north  of  this  point  in  what  we  have  now  to  consider. 
The  mistake  made  by  Marshall,  it  is  suggested,  was  in  stopping 
short  at  Onondaga  lake ;  and  this  was  caused  without  doubt  by 
his  not  catching  the  correct  idea  of  Champlain's  words.  The 
passage  which  induced  him  to  "  stop  short"  is  sometimes  trans- 
lated thus: 

"  The  ninth  of  the  month  of  October  [1615],  our  savages,  while 
upon  a  scout,  came  upon  eleven  savages  whom  they  took  pris- 
oners—  that  is  to  say,  four  women,  three  boys,  one  girl  and  three 
men  —  who  were  going  io  fish  at  a  distance  of  about  four 
leagues  from  the  enemy's  fort   [the  italicising   is   mine]." — 


136  APPENDIX. 

The  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  I,  p.  566.  (See,  also, 
O'Callaghan's  Documentary  History  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
vol.  Ill,  p.  87.  That  this  was  the  way  Marshall  understood  it, 
is  evident  from  his  words : 

' '  The  expedition  must  have  met  the  party  of  Iroquois,  which 
included  women  and  children,  not  far  from  the  fishery  and  the 
village,  which  were  only  about  four  leagues  or  ten  miles  apart 
[the  italicising  is  mine]." — The  Magazine  of  American  History, 
vol.  I,  p.  12.  And  he  also  says  (vol.  II.,  p.  478):  "On  the  gth 
of  October,  the  Indians  met  and  captured  eleven  of  the  enemy, 
who  were  going  to  the  fishery,  distant  4  leagues  from  the  enemy's 
fort."  And  again  (same  vol.,  p.  479):  "  Champlain  states  that 
the  fort  was  4  leagues  (10  miles),  from  the  '  fishery,'  "  And  this 
he  substantially  repeats. 

It  is  believed,  however,  that  the  following  is  a  better  transla- 
tion, and  that  it  conveys  the  real  meaning  of  Champlain : 

"  On  the  gth  of  the  month  of  October  our  savages  going  out  to 
reconnoitre  met  eleven  savages,  whom  they  took  prisoners.  They 
consisted  of  four  women,  three  boys,  one  girl,  and  three  men, 
who  were  going  fishing  and  were  distant  some  four  leagues 
from  the  fori  of  the  enemy  [the  italicising  is  mine]."  * 

"  Here  the  Canadians  [meaning  the  savages  with  Champlain] 
captured  eleven  Iroquois,  who  had  come  about  four  leagues  from 
their  fort  to  fish  in  the  Oneida  lake."  — Brodhead's  New  York, 
(Revised  ed.),  vol.  I.,  p.  69.  But  this  is  error  in  this  that  it 
makes  their  place  of  capture  also  their  place  of  fishing. 

In  The  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  I,  p.  i,  Mr.  Mar- 
shall gives  a  "  fac-simile  of  part  of  the  Champlain  map  of  1632." 
The  size  of  the  Onondaga  village  as  there  delineated  is  out  of  all 
proportion  with  tht  vicinity  in  which  it  was  located.  It  would 
include  the  whole  of  Onondaga  lake  and  creek.  This  doubtless 
has  misled  that  writer,  as  the  stronghold  (because  of  the  error  in 
its  size  as  marked  on  the  map)  is  made  to  reach  from  the  east 
side  of  the  creek  to  the  east  side  of  the  lake. 

Ihere  is  one  fact  not  mentioned  by  Geddes  which  adds  to 
his  theory;  Champlain  speaks  of  the  Carantouannais  as  living 
three  good  days'  journey,  further  up  {plus  haut)  than  the  Onon- 
dagas,  v/hich  expression  he  would  hardly  have  made  use  of  had 
the  stronghold  of  the  enemy  been  located  on  a  pond  or  lake ;  and 
then,  too,  %o\n^  further  up  the  Onondaga  creek  would  have  been 
going  in  the  right  direction.  All  things  considered,  we  think  Mr. 
Geddes  has  much  the  best  of  the  argument,  f 

<'See  Otis's  translation  of  Champlain'' s  "  Voyages,"  vol.  Ill,  p.  128. 

t"  Absolute  identification  [of  the  site  of  the  stronghold  of  the  enemy]  it 


APPENDIX.  137 

NOTE  VIII. 

EARLY    MENTION    OF   THE   FALLS   OF    NIAGARA. 

The  cataract  of  Niagara  was  first  heard  of  in  1535,  by  Cartier. 
Then  again  by  Cham  plain,  as  we  have  seen,  in  1603. 

"  Champlain  was  not  ignorant  in  1603  of  the  existence  of  the  falls 
of  Niagara,  since  La  Franchise,  who,  according  to  Suite's  "Jean 
Nicolet,"  in  Milanges  D'Ht'stot're  et  de  LittSrature,  pp.  424, 
425,  dedicated  to  him  a  sonnet,  expresses  himself  thus: 

' ' '  Muses  si  vous  chantez  vraiment  je  vous  conseille 
Que  vous  loueiez  Champlain  pour  Stre  courageux, 
Sans  crainte  des  hasards,  il  a  vu  tant  de  lieux 
Que  ses  relations  nous  contentent  I'oreille. 

"  '  II  a  vu  le  Perou'  Mexique,  et  la  merveille 
Du  Vulcain  infernal  qui  vomit  tant  de  feux ; 
Et  les  sauts  Mocosans"  qui  offensent  les  yeux 
De  ceux  qui  osent  voir  leur  chute  nonpareille.' 

"  Lescarbo  wrote  in  13 10  a  piece  of  verse  in  which  he  speaks  of 
the  grand  falls  which  the  savages  say  they  meet  with  in  ascend- 
ing the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  neighborhood  of  Virginia. 

"  '  iPas  que  nous  sachious.' 

"  '  tMocosa,  ancien  nom  de  la  Virg-inie,  ce  qui  se  rapporterait  au  Magara. 
Fas  plus  que  le  Perou  Champlain  ne  I'avait  vu,  mais,  evidemment,  il  en  avait 
entendu  parler.' " 

In  the  Index  to  Champlain's  Map  of  1632,  it  is  said: 

"  '"Sault  d'eau  au  bout  du  Sault  [Lac]  Sainct  Louis  fort  haut 
ou  plusieurs  sortes  de  poissons  descendans  s'estourdissent." 

[Translation:  '"A  waterfall  of  considerable  height,  at  the 
extremity  of  Lake  St.  Louis  [Ontario],  where  several  kinds  of 
fish  are  stunned  in  their  descent] 

This  note  (90)  is  given  to  describe  the  falls  of  Niagara,  which 
are  laid  down  with  considerable  correctness  on  the  map. 

"  Champlain  does  not  appear  to  have  obtained  from  the  Indians 
any  adequate  idea  of  the  grandeur  and  magnificence  of  this  fall. 
The  expression,  gut  esi  quelque pen  dleui,  oil  il  y  a  peu  d'eau 
laquelle  descend,  would  imply  that  it  was  of  moderate  if  not  of 

not  possible."— Kingsford  :  History  of  Canada,  vol.  I,  p.  5a.  Notwithstanding 
this  declaration  (and  we  heartily  subscribe  to  its  truthfulness),  Gen.  Clark, 
in  advocating  Nichols  Pond  as  the  true  site,  says  ;  "  I  identify  the  site  as 
certainly  as  any  gentleman  present  [at  a  gathering  of  pioneers  in  Syracuse] 
can  identify  his  wife  at  the  breakfast  table  after  ten  years  of  married  life" 
(see  The  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  II,  p.  471).  This  Mr.  Marshall 
answers  effectively. 


138  APPENDIX. 

au  inferior  character." — Rev.  E.  F.  Slafter,  ia  Prince  Society 
Publications  of  Champlain's  "Voyages,"  vol.  I,  p.  2-jin, 
(Mr.  Slafter  here  speaks  of  what  Champlain  records  of  his 
interview  with  the  savages  in  1603,  referred  to  in  our  Narrative.) 
See,  also,  in  this  connection,  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France  in 
the  New  IVorld,  p.  220«. 

Such  a  description  of  the  cataract  as  that  given  in  the  Index  to 
Champlain's  map  makes  it  highly  probable  that  no  white  man 
had  seen  the  falls  before  the  year  1632,  notwithstanding  the 
Neutral  nation  was  visited  before  1626  by  Brul6,  and  in  the  year 
last  mentioned  by  Daillon.  (See,  in  this  connection,  Note  XIX, 
of  this  Appendix. )  And  the  former  must  have  gone  not  many 
miles  from  the  great  cataract,  in  161 5. 

"  It  will  be  observed,  that  we  get  [from  Champlain's  map  of 
1632]  in  the  stream  which  enters  Lake  Ontario  at  the  west  end 
the  first  fairly  accurate  [cartographical]  location  of  the  Niagara 
cataracts.  Champlain  never  comprehended  the  magnitude  of 
these  falls  any  more  than  Cartier  did  when  he  seems  to  have 
heard  of  them,  a  hundred  years  before.  Sanson,  when  he  pub- 
lished his  map  of  1656,  represented  the  conception  of  Champlain; 
but  we  get  no  particular  [cartographical]  description  of  the 
cataract  till  we  find  one,  drawn  from  hearsay,  however,  .  .  . 
in  Galinee's  journal,  when  this  priest  accompanied  La  Salle 
along  Lake  Ontario  in  1669." — Winsor:  Cartier  to  Front enac, 
p.  144. 

NOTE  IX. 

BRULfe'S    DISCOVERY   OF   LAKES    HURON    AND   ONTARIO. 

"In  the  year  161 5,  there  dwelt  on  the  south-eastern  shore  of 
Lake  Hu'-on,  between  Lake  Simcoe  and  the  Georgian  Bay,  a  na- 
tion of  Indians  who  were  called  in  their  own  language,  '  Wen- 
dats'  or  '  Wyandots,'  and  by  the  French  '  Hurons.'  There  is  no 
record  of  their  having  been  visited  by  the  white  man  prior  to 
the  above  date. " —  O.  H.  Marshall,  in  The  Magazine  of  American 
History,  vol.  I,  p.  i.  But  this  statement  that  no  white  man 
had,  previous  to  1615,  visited  the  "  Wendats "  (Hurons),  was 
made  by  that  writer  from  having  overlooked  the  journey  of 
Champlain's  "lad,"  and  that  of  another  young  Frenchman  sub- 
sequently. 

Even  Parkman  forgets  the  journey  of  Champlain's  "  servant," 
in  heading  Chapter  XIII,  of  his  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World {"g.  357),  with, —  "  1615.  Discovery  of  Lake  Huron," — as 
ir  it  were  discovered  in  that  year ;  when,  in  the  same  volume,  p. 
335«,  he  speaks  of  "a  youth  who  had  volunteered,  the  previous 


APPENDIX.  139 

summer  [i.  e.,  in  the  summer  of  1610],  to  go  with  the  Hurons  to 
their  country  and  winter  among  them, —  a  proposal  to  which 
Champlain  %\&d.\y  assented."  (The  italicising  is  mine.)  And, 
as  we  have  shown,  another  '"»  og  Frenchman  went  on  a  journey 
to  Lake  Huron  and  to  th».  v-outiTy  of  the  Wendats  (Hurons),  tte 
year  following  the  one  in  vhich  Brule  made  his  visit  there. 
As  Father  Le  Caron  and  his  French  escort  preceded  Champlain 
and  his  two  \.  lite  companions  some  days  in  reaching,  in  161 5, 
that  lake,  the  first  mentioned  persons  would  be  entitled  to  the 
honor  of  having  been  its  discoverers,  had  they  not  been  preceded 
themselves  by  Brule  and  another,  as  just  related. 

The  first  European  to  gain  any  knowledge  of  Lake  Ontario 
was  James  Cartier,  in  1635.  He  was  then  on  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  his  information  was  given  him  by  savages.  He  was  told 
that,  after  ascending  many  leagues  among  rapids  and  water- 
falls, he  would  reach  a  lake  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  long 
and  forty  or  fifty  broad  [Lake  Ontario],  at  the  western  extremity 
of  which  the  waters  were  wholesome  and  the  winters  mild;  that 
a  river  [Niagara]  emptied  into  it  from  the  south,  which  had  its 
source  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois ;  that  beyond  this  lake  he 
would  find  a  cataract  and  portage  [Niagara  Falls  and  the  land- 
route  around  the  cataract] ;  then  another  lake  [Erie]  about  equal 
to  the  former,  which  they  had  never  explored,  and  still  further 
on  a  sea  [probably  Lake  Huron].* 

Again,  in  1603,  the  lake  was  heard  of,  but  this  time  by  Cham- 
plain,  who  says :  ' '  Then  they  [the  Indians  who  gave  him  the 
account]  come  to  a  lake  [Ontario]  some  eighty  leagues  long,  with 
a  gfreat  many  islands ;  the  water  at  its  extremity  being  fresh  and 
the  winter  mild.  At  the  end  of  this  lake  they  pass  a  fall  [Niagara], 
somewhat  high  and  with  but  little  water  flowing  over.  Here 
they  carry  their  canoes  overland  about  a  quarter  of  a  league,  in 
order  to  pass  the  fall,  afterwards  entering  another  lake  [Erie] 
some  sixty  leagues  long,  and  containing  very  good  water.  Hav- 
ing reached  the  end,  they  come  to  a  strait  [Detroit  and  St.  Clair 
rivers]  two  leagues  broad  and  extending  a  considerable  distance 
into  the  interior.  They  said  they  had  never  gone  any  farther  nor 
seen  the  end  of  a  lake  [Huron]  some  fifteen  or  sixteen  leagues 
distant  from  where  they  had  been."f 

In  another  account  given  Champlain  by  "  two  or  three  Algon- 
quins,"  he  was  informed  that,  after  leaving  the  river  they  were 
then  on,  a  lake  would  be  reached  (Lake  Ontario),  some  hundred 
and  fifty  (French)  leagues  in  length.     Not  far  above  the  foot  of 

'■'Lescarbot's  Histoire  de  la  NouveUe  France  (1609),  p.  381. 

t  Prince  Society  Publications  0/ Champlain' s  "  Voyages,"  vol.  I,  p.  271. 


I40  APPENDIX. 

this  lake  there  could  be  seen  a  river  (bay  of  Quinte)  extending 
towards  the  north  to  the  Algonquins;  that  there  was  another 
river  (the  Oswego),  coming  from  the  Iroquois  country  —  where 
the  Algonquins  and  Iroquois  make  war  upon  each  other.  A 
little  farther  along  on  the  south  shore  of  the  lake  would  be 
seen  another  river  (the  Genesee),  also  extending  towards  the  Iro- 
quois. At  tlie  end  of  the  lake  a  fall  (Niagara)  would  be  reached 
where  the  Indians  were  obliged  to  carry  their  canoes.  Beyond 
this,  another  very  large  lake  would  soon  be  entered  (Lake  Erie), 
as  long,  perhaps,  as  the  first.  They  said  they  had  seldom  seen 
the  lake  last  mentioned  but  they  had  heard  that  beyond  was 
another  great  water;  this,  however,  Lhey  had  not  seen.* 

Lake  Ontario  was  first  cartographically  sketched  in  the  Moli- 
neaux  map  of  1600,  where  it  is  spoken  of  as  "The  Lacke  of 
Tadenac,  the  bounds  whereof  are  unknown," — merged,  how- 
ever,   into    "a  great  inland  sea,   the  prototype  of  the    Great 

Lakes,  "t 

In  a  map  drawn  by  Champlain  in  1612,  the  lake  is  located  in 
nearly  its  exact  position, —  a  description  of  it  having  been  obtained 
from  Indian  accounts  previously  given  him.  J  Upon  this  map, 
Lake  St.  Peter,  "  Mont  Royale  "  (Montreal),  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  the  Lachine  rapids,  together  with  the  Richelieu  river.  Lake 
Champlain,  Lake  Ontario,  Niagara  falls,  and  Oneida  lake,  are, 
most  of  them,  fairly  well  indicated.  The  Ottawa  river  is  recog- 
nizable; so,  also  (but  with  a  considerable  draft  upon  the 
imagination),  are  Lakes  Nipissing  and  Simcoe  and  the  French 
river.  Lake  Huron  as  "grand  lac"  is  made  intelligible  —  the 
location  of  a  Huron  village  on  its  southeastern  shore  being 
plainly  represented.  A  short  water-course  leads  out  of  the  foot 
of  Lake  Huron  to  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario  —  Champlain  having 
too  indistinct  a  knowledge  of  Lake  Erie  to  give  it  a  place  on  this 
map,  or  even  on  the  ones  of  1632. 

Some  writers  assert  that  Champlain  was  the  first  white  man  to 
reach  Lake  Ontario: 

"  The  discovery  of  Lake  Ontario,  in  161 5,  was  an  ample  com- 
pensation for  previous  disappointments  in  his  [Champlain's]  in- 
defatigable explorations.  .  .  .  Champlain  was  the  first  Euro- 
pean who  visited  the  '  fresh- water  sea,'  as  he  called  Ontario." — 
Garneau's  History  of  Canada  (Bell's  translation),  vol.  I,  p.  92. 
But  Champlain  called  Lake  Huron  the  Mer  Douce,  not  Lake 
Ontario. 

'•'  Id.,  p.  274. 

t  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  p.  377. 

X  winsor's  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  pp.  103,  104. 


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APPENDIX.  141 

The  same  view  as  to  Champlain  having  been  the  hrst  to  dis- 
cover Lake  Ontario  is  taken  by  William  Kingsford,  in  his  His- 
tory of  Canada,  vol.  I,  pp.  50,  51.  But  Champlain's  own  nar- 
rative is  a  sufficient  evidence  that  Brule  was  before  him  in  reach- 
ing "the  beautiful  lake,"  and  this,  too,  whether  his  route  was 
by  way  of  its  foot  or  its  head. 

Historians  have  been  chary  of  committing  themselves  as  to 
the  route  pursued  by  Brule  after  leaving  Champlain.  "  Crossing 
Lake  Ontario,"  says  Parkman  {Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World,  p.  377,  the  "party  [Brule  and  the  twelve  Hurons]  pushed 
on  with  all  speed, ' '  etc. ;  but  as  to  where  the  party  crossed  the 
lake,  he  does  not  venture  an  opinion.  However,  as  suggested 
by  us,  it  is  probable  the  Frenchman  and  his  savages  did  not  cross 
Ontario  at  all,  but  coasted  around  its  head  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Niagara.  Winsor  {Cartier  to  Frontenac,  p.  117)  gives  it  as  a 
possibility  that  Brule  pursued  the  course  indicated  by  a  dotted 
line  in  Champlain's  map  of  1632,  which  would  necessitate  his 
going  at  least  towards  the  head  of  the  lake  and  beyond  it.  But 
what  is  a  possibility  with  Mr.  Winsor  is  a  reality  with  the  Rev. 
E.  F.  Slafter  (in  Prince  Society  Publications  of  Champlain's 
"  Voyages,''  vol.  HI,  p.  2o8«).  Now,  for  the  party  to  have  gone 
from  the  point  where  Champlain  and  his  savages  had  rendezvoused, 
in  that  general  direction  without  seeing  Lake  Ontario  would  be 
incredible  —  indeed,  wellnigh  impossible;  and  if  seen,  it  must 
have  been  before  it  was  reached  on  the  other  route  by  Champlain. 

NOTE  X. 

EARLY    REPORTS    OF    LAKE   ERIE. 

Cartier,  as  we  have  shown,  was  the  first  of  civilized  men  to  re- 
ceive an  inkling  of  the  existence  of  Lake  Erie.  This  was  in  1535. 
Champlain  had,  when,  in  1629,  he  made  his  large  map  of  New 
France,  no  knowledge  of  it,  except  by  vague  Indian  reports  of 
1603,  which  gave  him  apparently  a  most  confused  idea  of  it. 
The  accounts  he  then  obtained  from  the  savages  are  given  in 
Note  IX  of  this  Appendix.  It  is  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
had  Brule  visited  the  lake  on  his  journey  to,  or  return  from  the 
Carantouannais,  Champlain  would  have  given  a  better  drawing 
of  it  in  his  map  just  mentioned. 

NOTE  XI. 

THE   HOME   OF   THE   ERIES. 

The  Eries  were  of  the  Iroquois  family.  When  first  heard  of 
they  occupied  the  southern  shore  of  the  lake  to  which  their  name 


142  APPENDIX. 

has  been  given.  Their  territory  extended  nominally  as  far  east 
as  the  Genesee  river  in  what  is  now  the  State  of  New  York,  and 
as  far  west,  probably,  as  the  Sandusky  and  Scioto  rivers  in  the 
present  State  of  Ohio.  Their  villages,  it  is  conjectured,  were 
not  far  from  the  western  boundary  of  the  former  State,  as  now 
defined.  How  far  south  this  nation  had  its  hunting-grounds, 
tradition  and  history  give  no  account.  From  the  known  loca- 
tion of  other  nations,  it  is  presumed,  however,  their  territory  in- 
cluded the  region  watered  by  the  Alleghany.  How  long  this 
extensive  country  had  been  occupied  by  the  Eries  is  beyond  the 
reach  of  any  historic  record.  No  tradition  has  been  preserved 
of  their  migration  to  this  section.  However,  as  kindred  nations 
usually  pointed  to  the  St.  Lawrence  as  the  spot  once  their  hunt- 
ing-grounds, it  is  not  improbable  that  they  too  were  from  the 
great  valley  of  the  north. 

Doubtless,  the  Eries  were  heard  of  by  Captain  Smith  while 
exploring  the  Chesapeake  bay  in  1608,*  and  by  Brul6  in  his  jour- 
ney to  the  Carantouannais,  although  even  at  as  late  a  date  as 
1632  very  little  was  known  of  them  as  a  distinct  nation.  And  at 
no  time  until  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  had  passed 
was  there  anything  of  moment  concerning  them  made  known  to 
Europeans. 

NOTE  xn. 

GRAND  DETOUR  FROM  THE  HURON  COUNTRY  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNA. 

The  lengthy  and  circ  aitous  route  taken  by  the  savages  in  going 
from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Virginia  country,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  hostile  Iroquois,  is  early  noted.  It  is  referred  to  on  Captain 
John  Smith's  map  of  Virginia  of  1612  (by  inference),  from  data 
obtained  four  or  five  years  before,  also  in  his  General/  Historie 
of  Virginia  of  1624,  from  the  same  early  information;  and  in 
1 610,  Lescarbot,  ic  his  La  Nouvelle  France,  also  mentions  this 
great  circuit  made  by  the  Indians,  for  the  purpose  of  trade. 

Now,  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara  river,  there  com- 
menced a  branch  route  running  northerly  to  the  country  of  the 
Hurons.  This  route  was  made  known  to  Champlain  in  161 1  by 
the  savages  just  mentioned,  who  said  they  had  been  visited  by 
friendly  Indians  from  beyond  the  south  side  of  the  territory  oc- 

'•'Capt.  John  Smith,  in  his  map  of  Virginia  (Oxford:  1612),  lays  down  the 
"  Vitchowig  "  (probably  the  Eries),  at  the  head  of  the  upper  West  Branch  of 
the  Susquehanna ;  but  it  is  probable  the  Indians,  in  giving  him  an  account 
of  the  nation  and  of  the  location  of  their  lowus,  mentioned  the  West  Branch 
as  being  followed  to  its  head  when  one  would  journey  to  that  nation  from  the 
Susquehanna. 


APPENDIX.  143 

cupied  by  the  unfriendly  Iroquois.  It  is  believed  the  Indians 
occupying'  the  country  near  Lake  Simcoe  journeyed  south  on 
the  Humber;  thence,  on  Lake  Ontario  to  the  mouth  of  tlie 
Niagara  river;  up  that  stream  to  the  great  cataract  (where  a  port- 
age was  made  to  the  river  above) ;  thence  to  the  foot  of  Lake 
Erie;  coasting  then  on  the  southern  side  of  Lake  Erie  to  where 
the  city  of  Erie  (Pennsylvania)  is  now  located;  making  a  portage 
again  and  going  down  French  creek  to  the  Alleghany ;  thence  up 
that  river  to  near  its  head  wattrf.,  where  there  were  two  port- 
ages—  one  leading  acro«?;  to  the  Tioga,  the  other  across  to  the 
head  of  the  West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna  (both  tributaries  of 
the  latter).  As  the  Tioga  leads  into  the  Chemung,  and  the  latter 
flows  into  the  Susquehanna  near  what  is  now  the  north  bound- 
ary line  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  there  was,  of  course,  canoe 
navigation  all  the  way  to  the  Carantouannais.  The  West  Branch 
having  its  confluence  with  the  parent  stream  much  farther  down, 
made  a  channel  of  communication  to  the  Susquehanna  proper 
and  to  the  country  below. 

This  wide  circuit  (or  "  grand  detour  ")  was  taken  by  a  party  of 
Hurons  after  the  period  of  Brule's  journey,  both  in  going  to  the 
Indians  upon  the  Susquehanna  and  in  returning  home  after 
visiting  them,  to  avoid  the  Senecas. —  Parkman:  The  Jesuits  in 
North  America,  pp.  341-343.  "They  [the  Huron.s],"  says 
this  author  (p.  343),  "  were  forced  to  make  a  wide  sweep  through 
the  Alleghanies,  Western  Pennsylvania  and  apparently  Ohio,  to 
avoid  these  vigilant  foes  [the  Senecas]." 

On  Champlain's  map  of  1632  is  a  dotted  line  reaching  from 
Lake  Erie  to  the  Susquehanna ;  —  that  is,  from  what,  it  seems,  is 
intended  as  that  lake,  to  the  river.  Now,  some  writers  have  sup- 
posed that  this  line  was  made  to  represent  Brule's  route  to  the 
Carantouannais.  "  A  dotted  line  will  be  seen  on  the  same  map 
[Champlain's  map,  of  1632],  evidently  intended  to  mark  the 
course  of  Brule's  journey.  From  the  meagre  knowledge  which 
Champlain  possessed  of  the  region,  the  line  can  hardly  be 
supposed  to  be  very  accurate." — E.  F.  Slafter,  in  Prince  Society 
Publications  of  Champlain's  ''Voyages,"  vol.  Ill,  p.  2o8«. 
"Brule  volunteered  to  reach  them  [the  Carantouannais].  He 
succeeded  in  passing  the  hostile  villages  of  the  Iroquois,  possibly 
by  the  route  indicated  by  the  dotted  line  in  Champlain's  map  of 
1632." — Winsor.  in  Cartier  to  pyontenac,  p.  117.  (See  Note  IX 
of  this  Appendix.)  That  the  line  mentioned  commences  so  far 
from  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario, —  evidently  beyond  and  to  the 
south  of  some  Indian  villages  lying  east  of  the  Niagara  river, 
and  that  it  branches  before  reaching  Carantouan,  pretty  con- 


144  APPENDIX. 

clusively  proves  that  it  was  intended  to  indicate,  not  BruK-'s  route, 
but  the  grand  circuit  before  spoken  of,  which  the  party  had  not 
time  to  follow. 

NOTE  XIII. 

CAPTAIN   JOHN    SMITH'S    DISCOVERY    OF   THE   SUSQUEHANNA. — DIU     HE 
REACH    PENNSYLVANIA  ? 

It  is  certain  the  river  to  which  Capt.  John  Smith  first  gave  the 
name  of  "Smith's  Falls"  is  the  stream  now  known  as  the 
Susquehanna ;  for,  besides  the  descriptions  given  in  his  account 
of  its  discovery,  the  river  where  it  empties  into  the  Chesapeake 
bay  is  so  faithfully  delineated  by  him  in  a  map  which  he  made 
soon  after  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  its  identity. 

As  to  the  distance  Captain  Smith  journeyed  up  the  Susque- 
hanna from  its  mouth,  the  principal  authority  is  the  Captain 
himself;  first,  in  his  Description  of  the  Countrey  of  Virginia 
(Oxford:  1612);  and,  second,  in  his  Ginerall  Histoire  of  Vir- 
ginia (London:  1640): 

"  At  the  end  of  the  [Chesapeake]  bay,  where  it  is  six  or  seven 
miles  in  breadth,  there  fall  into  it  four  small  rivers, —  three  of 
them  issuing  from  divers  bogs  [marshes  or  swamps],  environed 
with  high  mountains.  There  is  one  [the  Susquehanna]  that 
cometh  [from]  due  north,  three  or  four  days'  journey  from  the 
head  of  the  bay,  and  falls  from  rocks  and  mountains. ' ' 

"  At  the  end  of  the  [Chesapeake]  bay,  where  it  is  six  or  seven 
miles  in  breadth,  it  divides  itself  into  four  branches,  the  best 
cometh  northwest  froii  among  the  mountains;  but,  though 
canoes  may  go  a  day's  journey  or  two  up  it  [the  Susquehanna], 
we  could  not  get  two  miles  up   it  with   our  boat,  for  rocks.'' 

That  canoes  could  go,  possibly,  two  days'  journey  up  the 
river,  is  a  declaration  having  much  force,  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
it  is  about  forty  miles  from  its  mouth  before  what  are  now 
known  as  ' '  Conewago  falls ' '  are  reached ;  but  it  is  probable  that 
Smith  did  not  quite  understand  the  situation  as  depicted  by  the 
savages,  who  doubtless  said  two  days'  journey  would  take  them 
to  a  point  where  a  portage  would  have  to  be  made.* 

""  At  the  end  of  the  [Chesapeake]  Bay  where  it  is  6  or  7  miles  in  breadth, 
there  fall  into  it  4  small  rivers,  3  of  them  issuing  from  divers  bogges  in- 
vironed  with  high  mouutaines. 

"  There  is  one  that  commeth  du  north,  3  or  4.  daies  iourny  from  the  head  of 
the  Bay,  and  fals  from  rocks  and  mountaines.  Vpon  this  river  inhabit  a 
people  called  Sasquesahanock. 

"  They  [the  Sasquesahanocks]  are  seated  2  daies  higher  then  was  passage 
for  the  discoverers  Barge,  which  was  hardly  2  toons,  and  had  in  it  but  12  men 


APPENDIX.  145 

The  Susquehanna  river  takes  its  mime  from  the  nation  of  In- 
dians which  were  found  inhabiting  its  valley  in  1608  and  which, 
by  Captain  Smith  were  called,  as  we  have  seen,  "  Sasquesa- 
hanocks."  These  savages  had  their  home  in  the  vicmity  of  some 
falls  —  their  name  signifying  probably,  "the  Falls  People,"  or, 
"  They  who  live  at  the  falls."  The  distance  of  their  town  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna,  as  given  by  Smith,  corresponds, 
approximately,  to  that  of  the  Conewago  falls  from  the  same 
point  —  two  days'  canoe-journey.  "  The  Sasquesahanocks,"  says 
the  Captain,  "  inhabit  upon  the  chief  spring  of  these  four 
branches  of  the  bay's  head  [that  is,  upon  the  Susquehanna],  two 
days'  journey  higher  than  our  barge  could  pass  for  rocks." 
And,  again;  "Upon  this  river  [the  Susquehanna]  inhabit  a 
people  called  Sasquesahanock.  They  are  seated  two  days' 
[journey]  higher  than  was  passage  for  the  discoverer  s  barge." 
Smith  also  declares  that,  in  sending  from  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
two  Tockwogh  Indians  to  the  Sasquesahanocks,  inviting  the  lat- 
ter to  visit  him,  he  expected  the  messengers  would  return  in 
"  three  or  four  days;  "  which  would  be  about  the  time  he  might 
expect  them,  taking  into  consideration  the  distance  of  their  town 
from  where  he  lay  with  his  barge, —  then,  sixty  of  those  savages 
appeared,  as  he  had  calculated  {Ilistotre,  vol.  I,  Chap.  VI). 

"  Capt.  Smith,"  says  Prof.  Guss,  "passed  up  the  Susquehanna 
to  the  falls.  He  says.  '  Though  canoes  may  go  a  day's  journey 
or  two  up  it,  we  could  not  get  two  miles  up  it  with  our  boats  for 
rocks. '  The  first  rocks,  however,  we  now  know,  are  Port  Deposit, 
at  the  head  of  tide  water,  and  this  point  is  four  miles  from  the 
bay.  It  is  very  probablt,  also,  that  Smith  was  up  still  higher, 
either  on  land  or  in  an  Indian  canoe.  The  number  of  islands  in 
the  river,  which  he  has  marked  on  his  map,  and  the  cross  mark 

to  perform  this  discouery."— /4  Map  of  Virginia.  With  a  description  of  the 
Covntrey,  etc.  "  Written  by  Captaine  Smith,  sometimes  Governour  of  the 
Countrey."  Oxford:  1612,  p.  7.  Arber's  Reprint  (1884),  p.  53.  (The  map  is 
reprinted  in  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  IV, 
i  167  ;  al.so,  in  Sharf  s  Maryland,  vol.  I,  p.  6 ;  in  the  Historical  Register,  vol. 
1,  p.  161 ;  and  in  other  works.) 

This  tract,  as  it  is  called  (i.e.,  "  A  map  of  Virginia,"  etc.,  just  described) , 
contains  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  pages,— the  "  Description  of  the  Covn- 
trey,"  by  Smith,  forty-eight  pages,  and  an  "Appendix,"  by  other  writers,  one 
hundred  and  ten  pages.  In  this  work  is  published  for  the  first  time  an 
account  of  the  Susquehanna  river,  and  of  a  nation  of  savages  called  "Sas- 
quesahanocks," who  had,  in  1608,  their  homes  on  that  stream. 

A  previous  work  by  Smith,  the  True  Relation,  published  in  London,  in 
1608,  has  not,  of  course,  any  mention  of  his  explorations  in  the  Chesapeake 
of  that  year  ;  yet  it  contains  information  obtained  from  Powhatan  the  year 
previous  of  considerable  interest  as  bearing  upon  events  subsequently 
described  by  the  Captain. 


146  AI'l'ENDIX. 

denoting  the  highest  point  reached  by  him  on  the  river,  being  by 
the  scale  at  least  fifteen  miles,  seem  to  require  that  Capt.  Smith 
was  actually  up  as  far  as  the  Stale  line.  On  the  Potomac  and 
other  rivers  it  is  clear  he  went  beyond  the  'rocks.'  He  may 
have  been  the  first  white  man  that  ever  trod  the  soil  of  Penn- 
sylvania. At  all  events,  so  far  as  we  have  any  definite  account, 
he  was  the  first  white  man  that  met  Indians  who  resided  within 
the  limits  of  Pennsylvania." — (Historical  Register,  vol.  I, 
pp.  if)3.  164). 

"The  Sufquehannocks  of  Smith  .  .  .  are  placed,  in  his 
map,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  some  twenty  miles 
from  its  mouth." — Parkman:  The  Jesuits  in  North  America, 
p.  341//.  Prof.  Guss  places  them,  according  to  the  map,  twenty- 
two  miles  {Historical  Register,  vol.  I,  p.  165).  He  says:  "  The 
principal  town,  Sasquesahanough,  is  laid  down  on  the  map 
[Smith's],  by  the  scale,  about  twenty-two  miles  from  the  bay." 
Does  not  this  fact  "  seem  to  require  "  as  strongly  that  the  Sasque- 
sahanock  town  was  only  that  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the 
river  as  those  other  facts  mentioned  by  him  "  seem  to  require 
that  Capt.  Smith  was  up  as  far  as  the  State  line?  "  We  think  so; 
for  he  f  r.'cdiately  adds:  "  But  the  book  [Capt.  Smith's]  speaks 
of  the  leing  located  '  two  days'  journey  higher  than  our  barge 
could  ,  is  for  the  rocks,'  which  would  place  them  [the  Sasque- 
sahan  jacks]  much  higher  up  the  river.  Certainly,  a  two  days' 
journey  was  more  than  twenty-two  miles,  and  as  they  awaited 
the  return  of  the  interpreters  [the  two  Tockwogh  Indians]  '  three 
or  four  days,'  they  probably  may  have  gone  forty  or  fifty  miles." 

But  Prof.  Guss  strives  to  break  the  force  of  his  own  arguments 
by  subsequently  declaring  that  "no  dependence  can  be  placed 
upon  the  scale  of  leagues  [found  in  Smith's  map]  for  points 
beyond  the  limits  of  Smith's  explorations."  Now,  as  "the 
limits  of  Smith's  explorations"  are  declared  by  himself  to  be 
within  two  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  "  what  dependence 
can  be  placed  upon  the  scale  of  leagues,"  which  places  them 
"  at  least  fifteen  miles  "  from  the  bay —  "  as  far  up  as  the  State 
line?" 

But  Prof.  Guss  thinks  it  very  probable  that  Smith  was  up  still 
further  than  a  point  "four  miles"  from  its  mouth,  "  either  on 
land  or  in  an  Indian  canoe."  But  this  was  his  first  visit  to  the 
Susquehanna,  and  he  had  not  seen  Indians  for  a  considerable 
length  of  time;  it  is  clear,  therefore,  he  had  no  Indian  canoe. 
That  he  could  not  have  left  his  barge  and  traveled  farther  up  the 
river  bank  is  evident  from  several  circumstances:  (i)  He  had 
lost  his  anchor ;  (2)  half  his  men  were  sick;  (3)  he  gives  no  de- 


APPENDIX.  147 

scription  of  the  country  along  the  shore;  (4)  he  did  not  know 
then  but  Indians  might  be  near  and  make  it  dangerous  to  leave 
his  boat;  and  (5)  it  seems,  from  his  narrative,  he  returned  to 
the  bay  before  another  tide. 

NOTE  XIV. 

CONCERNING   BRULfe'S   EXPLORATION   OF  THE  SUSQUEHANNA   RIVER   AND 
THE  CHESAPEAKE   BAY. 

Rev.  Edward  D.  Neill,  A.  B.,  in  Winsor's  Narrative  and 
Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  p.  165,  says:  "  [Brul6] 
told  Champlain  that  he  had  found  a  river  which  he  descended 
until  it  flowed  into  a  sea, —  the  river  by  some  supposed  to  be  the 
Susquehanna,  and  the  sea  Chesapeake  bay," — that  writer  citing 
Parkman's  Pioneers,  pp.  377,  378.  It  is  proper,  however,  to 
remark  that  the  narrative  of  Brul6  as  related  by  Champlain 
speaks  rather  of  the  sea  instead  of  a  sea,  and  also  that  Parkman 
does  not  mention  the  Chesapeake.  But  the  Rev.  E.  F.  Slafter 
thinks  "the  sea"  mentioned  by  Brul^  to  Champlain  was  the 
Chesapeake:  "  He  [Brule]  appears  to  have  gone  £s  far  south  at 
least  as  the  upper  waters  of  Chesapeake  bay." — {Prtnce  Society 
Publications  of  Champlain's  ''Voyages,"  vol.  Ill,  p.  211;/.) 

Neill  seems  not  to  be  entirely  satisfied  that  Brul6's  declaration 
with  regard  to  finding  "a  river  which  he  descended  until  it 
flowed  into  a  sea"  was  a  fact, —  that  "he  may  have  depended 
upon  his  imagination."  But  a  careful  analysis  of  the  informa- 
tion imparted  to  Champlain  by  his  interpreter  concerning  his 
journey  leaves  no  room  for  the  belief  that  it  was  the  work  of  the 
explorer's  imagination,  unless,  possibly,  in  this,  that  he  viewed 
the  Chesapeake  as  simply  a  continuation  of  the  Susquehanna  —  a 
widening  of  that  river,  an  idea  Champlain  got  from  Bruit's 
recital,  as  appears  not  only  by  what  he  says  of  the  story  of  the 
latter,  but  by  his  (Champlain's  )  map  of  1632.  It  i»  altogether 
certain  that  the  narrowness  of  the  Chesapeake  at  its  head  must 
have  shown  Brul6  at  once  that  it  was  not  the  ocean,  although 
there  was  a  tide  there.  Besides,  in  'journeying  down  the  bay, 
he  would  be  constantly  made  aware  that  it  was  not  the  Atlantic. 
Then,  too,  he  could  have  had  no  difficulty  whatever  in  learning 
of  the  savages,  just  when  and  where  the  ocean  would  be  seen.  '  ' 

NOTE  XV. 

SOUTHERN   AND   WESTERN   IROQUOIS. 

It  has  been  suggested  in  this  narrative  that  all  the  savage 
nations  who  lived  south  of  the  Five  Nations  and  who  had  a 


148  APPENDIX. 

language  akin  to  the  Iroquois  might  properly  be  classed,  gen- 
erically,  as  Southern  Iroquois.  In  161 5,  they  occupied  a  large 
extent  of  territory,  extending  as  far  east  as  the  Delaware  river 
and  as  far  south  as  the  Carolinas.  And  it  may  here  be  suggested 
that,  with  equal  propriety,  the  Hurons,  the  Neutrals,  the  Eriss, 
and  the  Petuns,  might  be  set  down  as  Western  Iroquois.  We 
have,  then,  three  divisions  of  the  Iroquois-speaking  people:  (i) 
the  Iroquois  proper  (or  Five  Nations);  (2)  the  Western  Iroquois; 
and,  (3)  the  Southern  Iroquois. 

The  reason  for  the  conflicting  statements  of  writers  as  to  the 
Southern  Iroquois  can,  in  the  light  of  recent  investigations,  be 
readily  accounted  for.  It  has  been  taken  for  granted  that,  be- 
cause of  these  nations  being  closely  related  linguistically,  many 
of  them  were  confederated  who  were  not  in  any  manner  leagued 
together;  and,  frequently,  some  of  these  nations  known  by  differ- 
ent names  have  been  considered  as  one  and  the  same,  when,  in 
fact,  they  were  wholly  distinct. 

Prof.  Guss  (in  the  Historical  Register,  vol.  I,  p.  40),  in  con- 
sidering the  Iroquois  generally,  says:  "When  the  writer  a  few 
years  since  first  promulgated  before  the  Anthropological  Society 
of  Washington  the  idea  that  Iroquois-speaking  tribes  extended, 
origitally,  continuously  from  the  Five  Nations  to  the  Tuscaroras, 
it  was  new  to  others,  and  a  deduction  of  his  own.  Others  have 
since  adopted  this  view."     He  continues  (pp.  43-45): 

"  The  Iroquois  family  may  be  said  to  have  consisted  of  the  fol- 
lowing: the  Hurons,  comprising  four  divisions;  the  Tionontates, 
or  Dinondadies  [Tobacco  Nation],  of  Upper  Canada;  the  Atti- 
wandaronks,  or  Neuter  Nation,  of  the  Niagara  river  region ;  the 
Eries,  or  Cats,  of  the  region  south  of  the  east  part  of  Lake  Erie. 
The  most  memorable  member  of  this  family  was  the  Five  Na- 
tions, consisting  of  Canningoes,  or  Mohawks,  the  Oneidas,  the 
Onondagas,  the  Cayugas,  and  the  Senecas,  or  Sonnontowans, 
who  lived  in  a  line  as  here  named,  in  the  central  part  of  western 
New  York,  stretching  from  the  Mohawk  to  the  Genesee  river. 
Before  this  they  are  said  to  have  extended  down  the  St.  Law- 
rence river  to  Montreal.  They  made  more  history  than  all  the 
otner  tribes  put  together.  To  relate  the  Indian  history  of  the 
Susquehanna,  or  in  fact  of  all  Pennsylvania,  is  but  to  repeat 
some  chapters  in  the  annals  of  the  Five  Nations.  They  held  the 
geographical  key  to  the  whole  country  and  by  their  course 
handed  it  over  to  the  rule  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  races. 

"  Immediately  south  of  the  Five  Nations  were  the  Caranto- 
wans  [Carantouannais,  of  o.^l  narrative],  on  the  borders  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  allied  with  the  Hurons  in  war?;  against  the  Five 


APPENDIX.  149 

Nations.  At  Wyoming  were  the  Scahentoarmnon,  or  people  of 
the  Great  Flats ;  on  the  West  Branch  were  the  Otzinachson.  or 
people  of  the  Demons'  Dens ;  on  the  Juniata  were  the  Onojutta- 
Haga,  or  Standing  Stone  people;  below  the  mountains,  on  the 
river  and  branches,  were  the  Susquehannocks,  extending  to  the 
Potomac  river.  In  Virginia,  above  the  falls  of  the  Rappahan- 
nock, according  to  Capt.  John  Smith,  were  the  Mannahoacks, 
in  an  alliance  with  the  Monacans,  whom  Jefferson  says  were  the 
Tuscaroras,  then  occup;  ing  the  heads  of  the  James  river,  and 
extending  to  the  Neuse,  Tar,  and  Roanoke  rivers.  The  Chowa- 
nokes,  or  Chowans,  the  Meherrins,  and  the  Nottaways,  on  the 
rivers  still  bearing  the  same  names,  were  also  members  of  this 
Iroquois  family.  Though  once  numerous,  they  soon  melted  away 
through  contagious  diseases,  intoxication,  and  wars,  until  they 
were  obliterated,  or  their  remnants  were  incorporated  into  sur- 
viving tribes.  The  Tuscaroras  were  further  inland.  In  a  war 
with  the  whites  in  1 711 -14,  some  of  them  were  driven  out,  and 
were  protected  on  the  Juniata  river,  for  ten  years,  by  the  Five 
Nations,  and  then  taken  to  New  York  and  admitted  as  a  sixth 
member  of  the  confederacy,  which  after  this  was  generally  called 
the  Six  Nations.  The  remnants  left  in  the  south  kept  going  north 
to  join  the  main  body,  for  fifty-five  years  afterwards. 

"  In  1640  the  Dutch  at  Albany  and  New  York  begr  to  furnish 
the  Five  Nations  large  quantities  of  fire-arms,  but  1  fused  them 
to  the  other  tribes.  This  was  a  wise  stroke  of  policy  as  to  the 
contiguous  Indians,  and  the  French  settled  beyond  in  Canada, 
and  also  as  to  securing  the  much-coveted  fur  trade.  When,  in 
1665,  the  English  superseded  the  Dutch,  they  continued  the  same 
policy.  These  arms  gave  them  a  tremendous  advantage  over 
the  other  tribes,  and  enabled  them  to  destroy  their  enemies,  and 
commence  a  high  career  of  conquest  and  military  glory.  They 
seemed  especially  severe  upon  the  tribes  of  their  own  linguistic 
stock,  whose  conquered  remnants  were  incorporated  into  their 
own  towns,  and  served  to  augment  their  strength.  They  dev- 
astated the  Hurons  in  1649,  the  Neuter  Nation  in  1651,  and  the 
Eriea  in  1655.  Remnants  of  Tionontates.  called  also  Peturr,  or 
Tobacco  Nation,  and  some  refugees  from  the  above  tribes, 
traveled  westward  as  far  as  Wisconsm ;  and,  in  later  years,  re- 
turned to  the  regions  south  of  the  westward  part  of  Lake  Erie, 
where  they  were  known  as  the  Wyandots.  Some  of  the  Huron 
refugees  sought  protection  under  the  French  at  Montreal,  where 
their  descendants  still  reside. 

"  The  various  tribes  of  Pennsylvania,  whom  the  French  often 
generically  termed  Andastes,  Gandastogues,  etc.,  were  also  ex- 


150  APPENDIX. 

t'''T)ated,  but  the  exact  dates  are  unknown,  as  they  were  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  missionary  and  explorer.  Some  of  them  prolia- 
bly  were  destroyeu  even  prior  to  the  Hurons.  When,  in  1663, 
the  tribes  on  the  upper  branches  having  been  disposed  of,  the 
Five  Nations  came  to  the  Susquehannocks,  or  Minquas,  below  the 
mountains;  they  found  them  able  to  withstand  their  assaults, 
for  they  had  also  been  armed  by  the  Swedes  first,  and  afterwards 
by  the  Mary  landers.  However,  in  1676,  deserted  by  their  white 
friends,  they,  too,  succumbed  to  the  New  York  conquerors ;  and 
part  of  their  remnants  being  left  upon  the  old  ground  as  a  tribu- 
tary outpost,  were  long  known  as  the  Conestogas.  These  con- 
quests were  also  extended  far  down  into  Virginia,  and  their  con- 
quest rights  to  these  lands  were  paid  for  by  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia at  the  treaty  in  Lancaster,  in  1744. 

"  The  central  part  of  Pennsylvania  remained  long  an  uninhab- 
ited interior,  used  as  a  hunting  ground  by  the  Five  Nations,  and 
as  a  shelter  for  their  friends.  After  their  conquests  southward, 
their  arms  were  turned  westward  to  the  Illinois,  and  other  west- 
ern tribes ;  and  their  rights  to  those  immense  regions,  as  far  as 
the  Mississippi  river,  by  virtue  of  these  conquests,  were  sold  to 
the  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  placed  under  the  Province  of  New 
York,  and  constituted  the  basis  of  the  English  claims,  which 
culminated  in  the  French  and  Indian  war,  and  through  it  to  the 
final  relinquishment  of  all  the  French  possessions  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi nver." 

NOTE  XVI. 

AS   TO    BRULfe'S    ARRIVAL   AT   THREE    RIVERS   IN    I618    AND    HIS   INTER- 
VIEW  THERE    WITH    CHAMPLAIN. 

In  the  Prince  Society  Publications  of  Champlain's  ''Voy- 
ages,'" vol.  I,  p.  143,  Mr.  Slafter  says  that  Champlain  did  not 
hear  from  Brul6  for  three  years  after  leaving  the  Huron  country 
for  Carantouan :  ' '  Champlain  made  voyages  to  New  France 
both  in  1617  and  in  1618.  In  the  latter  year,  among  the  Indians 
who  came  to  Quebec  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  appeared  6tienne 
Brule,  the  interpreter,  who  it  will  be  remembered  had  been  de- 
spatched in  161 5,  when  Champlain  was  among  the  Hurons,  to  the 
Entouhonorons  at  Carantouan,  to  induce  th'em  to  join  in  the 
attack  of  the  Iroquois  in  central  New  York.  During  the  three 
years  that  had  intervened,  nothing  had  been  heard  from  him. ' ' 
The  learned  author  subsequently  corrects  "  Entouhonorons  "  to 
"  Carantouanais ; "  but,  as  to  the  other  error,  that  Champlain  did 
not  hear  from  Brul6,  "during  the  three  years  that  had  inter- 


APPENDIX.  151 

vened, ' ' —  this  he  fails  to  set  right.  It  will  be  noticed,  also,  that 
he  says  the  Indians,  among  whom  was  Brul6,  "came  to  Que- 
bec ; ' '  but  it  was  to  Three  Rivers. 

The  narrative  of  Brule  is  given  by  Champlain  with  this  intro- 
duction : 

' '  Now  there  was  with  them  [the  savages  at  Three  Rivers,  who 
had  come  down  the  Ottawa  to  traffic  with  the  French]  a  man 
named  ^tienne  Brul6,  one  of  our  interpreters,  who  had  been 
living  with  them  for  eight  years,  as  well  to  pass  his  time  as  to 
see  the  country  and  learn  their  language  and  mode  of  life.  He 
is  the  one  whom  we  had  despatched  with  orders  to  go  in  the 
direction  of  the  6ntouhonorons  [OnondagasJ  to  Carantoiian  in 
order  to  bring  with  him  the  five  hundred  warriors  they  [the  Car- 
antouannais]  had  promised  to  send  to  our  assistance  in  the  war  in 
which  we  were  engaged  against  their  enemies.  ...  I  called 
this  man  .  ,  .  and  asked  him  why  he  did  not  bring  the  five 
hundred  men  to  our  assistance  in  time  and  what  was  the  cause 
of  the  delay ;  also,  why  he  had  not  made  me  a  report.  There- 
upon, he  gave  me  a  narrative  of  his  explorations,  the  particulars 
of  which  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  give.  He  is  more  to  be 
pitied  than  blamed  for  not  reporting  to  me  before,  because  of  the 
misfortunes  which  he  experienced  on  his  journeyings."  * 

The  month  during  which,  in  the  early  days  of  France,  the 
trade  of  the  Ottawa  was  prosecuted  on  the  St.  Lawrence  was 
July,  and  was  largely  carried  on  in  161 8,  and  for  a  number  of 
years  after,  where  the  town  of  Three  Rivers  now  stands,  but 
which  was  not  then  founded.  The  village  proper  began  in  1633, 
and  Champlain  commenced  the  erection  of  a  fort  there  in  1634. 

NOTE  XVII. 

AS   TO   THE    RELIABILITY    OF   BRULfi's   NARRATIVE. 

"  Brule,"  says  Slafter  (vol.  I,  p.  143  —  Prince  Society  Publtca' 
tions  of  Champlain' s  ''Voyages"),  "related  the  story  of  his 
extraordinary  adventures,  which  Champlain  has  preserved  and 
which  may  be  found  in  the  report  of  the  voyage  jf  161 8." 
"  The  character  of  Etienne  Brul6,  either  for  honor  or 
veracity,"  continues  Mr.  Slafter  (p.  i43«),  "is  not  improved  by 
his  subsequent  conduct."  [the  writer  here  referriug  to  Brul6 
having  subsequently  '  sold  himself  to  the  English,'  mention  of 
which  is  made  in  Chapter  VIII  of  our  narrative].  That  writer 
adds:     "Whether  this  conduct,  base  certainly  as  it  was,  ought 

*  This  is  rather  a  free  translation  of  Champlain's  words ;  but  it  is  belieyed 
to  conTey  his  real  meaning. 


152  APPENDIX. 

to  affect  the  credibility  of  his  story,  the  reader  must  judge. 
Champlain  undoubtedly  believed  it  when  he  first  related  it  to 
him.  He  probably  had  no  means  then  or  afterwards  of  testing 
its  truth.  In  the  edition  of  1632,  Brule's  story  is  omitted.  It 
does  not  necessarily  follow  that  it  was  omitted  because  Cham- 
plain  came  to  discredit  the  story,  since  many  passages  contained 
in  his  preceding  publications  are  omitted  in  the  edition  of  1632, 
but  they  are  not  generally  passages  of  so  much  geographical  im- 
portance as  this,  if  it  be  true.  The  map  of  1632  indicates  the 
country  of  the  Carantouanais ;  but  this  information  might  have 
been  obtained  by  Champlain  from  the  Hurons,  or  the  more  west- 
ern tribes  which  he  visited  during  the  winter  of  1615  -  16.-  Vide 
ed.  1632,  p.  220." 

It  is  quite  inconceivable  that  by  Brul6  selling  "himself  to 
the  English"  in  1629  it  could  affect  his  narrptive  as  to  its 
reliability,  in  1618.  Besides,  the  fact  that  a  part  of  Brul6's 
story  is  confirmed  in  advance  by  Brule's  Carantouannais 
gfuides  is,  in  the  foregoing,  overlooked  by  Mr.  Slafter.  This 
author  also  says:  "They  [Champlain's  interpreters]  were  gen- 
erally ....  adventurers,  whose  honesty  and  fidelity  had 
no  better  foundation  than  their  selfish  interests.  Of  this  sort 
was  6tienne  Brule,  as  well  as  Nicholas  Marsolet  and  Pierre  Raye, 
all  of  whom  turned  traitors,  selling  themselves  to  the  English 
when  Quebec  was  taken  in  1629"  (see  vol.  Ill,  of  the  Prince 
Society  Publications  of  Champlain' s  '■'Voyages,"  p.  2i6«). 
This  is  certainly  a  severe  arraignment  of  these  men.  As  to 
the  "selfish  interest"  of  Brul6,  surely  few  men  living  could 
have  had  less,  judging  by  his  zeal,  self-denial,  courage,  and 
faithfulness,  in  carrying  out  the  wishes  of  Champlain.  And  it 
is  evident  that  his  patron  was  abundantly  satisfied  of  his  "  hon- 
esty and  fidelity  "  in  all  that  appertained  to  his  journeys  under- 
taken and  cn.rried  forward  with  such  indomitable  perseverance. 

That  Champlain  had  anything  to  do  with  the  omission  of 
Bruit's  narrative  in  his  edition  of  1632  is  doubtful.  It  was 
probably  done  by  an  "alien  hand," — one  who  was  at  least  not 
anxious  (and  the  Jesuits  certainly,  at  that  time,  were  of  that  class) 
to  give  to  the  world  again  the  particulars  of  his  (Brul6's)  journey. 
But  if  it  was  the  work  of  Champlain,  it  must  have  been  prompted 
by  ill  feeling  towards  his  interpreter,  cans,  i  by  the  latter  having 
gone  over  to  the  English  at  the  period  of  their  taking  possession 
of  Canada.  In  conclusion,  we  may  say  that  the  fact  of  the  nar- 
rative having  been  repeated  by  Brule  to  the  historian  Sagard 
after  the  lapse  of  at  least  six  years,  substantially  as  given  to 
Champlain,  ought  to  remove  all  doubts  (if  such  exist  in  the  mind 


APPENDIX.  153 

of  any  one),  as  to  its  truthfulness.     (See  Note  XXII  [c]  of  this 
Appendix.) 

"  It  was  during  Charaplain's  sojourn  in  the  valley  [of  the  St. 
Lawrence]  in  i6i8  that  his  old  interpreter,  ^tienne  Brul€,  re- 
turned to  the  settlement  [that  is,  to  Three  Rivers].  The  govern- 
or had  last  seen  him  when  he  was  dispatched  from  the  Huron 
company  to  bring  the  Andastes  [and  who  were  really  the  Caran- 
touannais]  to  the  attack  on  the  Iroquois  fort  [of  the  Onon- 
dagas],  three  years  before.  Brul6  had  now  the  opportunity  to 
disclose  the  cause  of  his  failure  [to  bring  the  five  hundred  allies, 
by  us  spoken  of  as  Carantouannais,  to  the  help  of  Champlam  and 
his  savages],  and  to  explain  his  later  wanderings.  It  appeared 
that  when  Brule  finally  brought  the  Andastes  [the  500  Caran- 
touannais] to  the  neighborhood  of  the  Iroquois  stronghold 
it  was  only  to  learn  that  the  Hurons  had  departed,  and  there 
was  no  alternative  left  but  a  like  retreat  on  their  part  Brul6 
remained  the  following  winter  with  his  savage  friends,  but 
later,  it  would  appear,  he  passed  down  the  Susquehanna,  to 
Chesapeake  bay,  and  by  this  adventure  he  had  established  the 
direction  of  its  course.  ...  In  making  his  return  journey 
[from  Carantouan],  the  wanderer  fell  among  the  Iroquois.  He 
was  wont  to  point  to  his  wounds  to  show  that  he  had  undergone 
tortures  at  their  hands.  His  own  story  betrays  an  abundance  of 
tact  in  ingratiating  himself  with  savages  wherever  he  went.  His 
spirit  and  facile  habit  served  to  convert  the  Iroquois  enmity  into 
a  liking  for  him,  and  they  made  it  easj'  for  him  to  reach  the  Huron 
country,  whence  he  could  join  *^he  summer  flotilla,  descending 
the  Ottawa." — Winsor,  in  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  pp.  121,  122. 

Mr.  Winsor  certainly  gives  full  credit  to  Brule's  story.  But 
that  Brul6  passed  the  winter  of  1615-16  not  with  his  savage 
friends  — the  Carantouannais,  but  in  exploring  the  Susquehanna 
and  Chesapeake,  is  evident. 

The  following  amusing  account  of  Brul6's  capture  by  the  Iro- 
quois while  returning  from  Carantouan  in  161 6,  and  of  his  escape 
from  torture,  as  already  related  (see,  ante,  Chap.  VII.),  is  from 
the  pen  of  the  learned  historian,  Mr.  Benjamin  Suite,  of  Ottawa, 
Canada  (see  the  Ottawa  Evening  Journal,  Oct.  29,  1892): 

"Accompanied  by  five  or  six  Andastes  [Carantouannais]  the 
courageous  explorer  [Brul6]  started  on  his  journey  to  Upper 
Canada  and  he  must  have  chosen  the  same  road  as  before,  be- 
cause those  folks  captured  him  after  dispersing  his  escort. 

"  The  first  trick  Brul6  played  on  tV.e  red  devils  was  to  aflBrm 
that  he  was  an  Iroquois  himself  and  that  he  had  escaped  slavery 
with  the  Andastes  [Carantouans].     This  gave  him  a  little  rest 


154  APPENDIX. 

and  time  to  prepare  a  'strategical  plan.  His  skin  had  certainly 
turned  to  the  proper  color  during  the  last  twelve  months  and 
his  dress  and  manners  were  of  the  Indian  stamp ;  but  his  lan- 
guage betrayed  him  a  little ;  his  accent  proclaimed  him  a  Huron ; 
therefore  a  bitter  enemy.  This  being  found,  there  was  great  fun 
in  store  for  the  good  people  of  the  village. 

' '  Brule  was  asked  to  be  kind  enough  to  trot  at  a  moderate  pace 
between  two  lines  of  bastinadoes,  and  he  got  a  reasonable  dose 
of  strokes  all  over  the  body.  Next,  they  requested  him  to  jump 
over  a  large  fire  and  he  performed  this  exercise  with  difficulty 
on  account  of  the  breadth  of  the  furnace  in  question.  Thirdly, 
the  '  shake  hands '  was  proceeded  with,  and  Brule  got  rid  of  four 
or  five  of  his  nails  during  the  act  of  courtesy,  for  the  Iroquois 
were  very  liberally  inclined  in  that  direction. 

"  The  wind-up  of  the  whole  programme  was  to  be  the  turning 
at  the  stake ;  but  Brul6  kept  cool,  with  an  eye  to  business.  The 
tormentors  had  not  perceived  the  coming  on  of  a  tremendous  sum- 
mer storm,  which  suddenly  darkened  the  horizon  and  Brule  had 
calculated  upon  the  effect  of  the  weather  as  well  as  on  his  own 
eloquence.  Consequently  he  assumed  the  attitude  of  a  prophet, 
sorcerer  or  conjurer,  as  he  had  seen  done  amongst  the  wild 
Indians,  and  declared  he  was  not  a  Huron,  but  a  French 
spirit  from  the  other  side  of  the  world;  that  he  had  come  to 
punish  the  rascally  Iroquois  and  destroy  them  to  the  last  one. 
His  speech  frightened  some  of  them  when  he  revealed  his 
origin,  but  the  threats  he  uttered,  coupled  with  the  crash  and 
fire-serpents  from  heaven,  which  followed  immediately,  caused 
them  to  tremble  and  fly  away. 

' '  Brul6  was  cut  loose,  of  course,  but  he  did  not  run ;  on  the 
contrary,  he  re-entered  the  village  soon  after  the  storm  was 
over,  and  made  a  call  in  proper  style  to  have  a  general  meeting 
of  the  population.  This  being  done,  he  delivered  them  a  long 
speech,  showing  the  French  were  next  of  kin  to  the  angels,  or 
good  spirits  of  Paradise,  and  that  the  Dutch  [who  were  then  at 
what  is  now  Albany,  New  York]  were  the  bad  Manitous,  and  so 
forth.  The  Iroquois  showed  they  appreciated  his  wonderful 
cleverness  by  treating  him  like  a  supernatural  being ;  and  when 
he  left,  they  did  all  they  could  to  help  him  during  his  journey. 
They  parted  with  him  after  four  days  of  travel  together. ' ' 

NOTE  XVIII. 

CONCERNING   BRUL^l'S    DISCOVERY   OF   LAKE    SUPERIOR. 

It  has  been  shown  that  Champlain  was  very  anxious  in  1616 
and  in  161 8  to  solve  the  problem  of  the  "  North  Sea,"  information 


APPENDIX.  155 

of  which  he  supposed  he  had  obtained  from  the  savages,  while 
the  latter  were  only  giving  a  confused  account  of  Lake  Superior. 
It  has  also  been  explained  that  Brul6  was  urged  to  continue  what 
Champlain  had  found  was  impracticable  for  himself  to  accom- 
plish—  a  further  exploration  in  1615;  that  an  additional  journey 
was  to  be  made  northward  and  northwestward  of  the  Huron 
country ;  and  that  the  principal  object  was  the  solving  of  the 
problem  of  the  "  North  Sea" — which,  in  fact,  was  Lake  Superior. 
It  has  likewise  been  seen,  that,  in  i6i8,  Brule  promised  Cham- 
plain  to  proceed  at  once  to  comply  with  his  wishes  as  to  a  furl  tier 
exploration,  ar  d  that,  in  all  probability,  he  soon  made  a  jour,;ey 
up  the  shores  of  the  North  Channel  to  the  nation  of  the  Beaver, 
returning  not  later  to  the  St.  Lawrence  than  in  the  summer  of 
1620.  That  the  Beavers  had  knowledge  of  the  nations  afterward 
known  as  the  Menomonees  and  Wmnebagoes,  also  of  the  Mas- 
coutins  and  Sioux,  seems  altogether  probable.  That  Brule  heard 
of  them  on  his  journey  is  also  likely ;  and  that  the  latter  would 
naturally  gain  considerable  knowledge  of  regions  lying  around 
the  head  of  Lake  Huron,  at  least  enough  to  increase  his  desire 
to  visit  them,  is  what  might  reasonably  be  expected. 

We  are  now  brought  to  the  main  question  —  did  Brul6,  in  a 
subsequent  journey,  reach  Lake  Superior? 

Champlain,  for  the  eighth  time,  now  made  his  appearance  in 
the  valley  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  from  France.  It  was  July  7,  1620; 
and  he  remained  in  Canada  a  little  over  four  years  before  again 
embarking  for  his  native  country.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  he  had  not  lost  interest  in  distant  exploration  of  savage 
countries,  promoting,  as  he  still  was,  to  the  extent  of  his  capa- 
bilities, the  fur  trade.  His  trusted  interpreter,  Brul6,  must  make 
further  explorations;  and  again  he  was  sent  up  the  Ottawa. 
Doubtless,  by  this  time,  the  "  North  Sea"  of  his  (Champlain's) 
imagination  had  wholly  disappeared ;  for  it  would  be  strange  in- 
deed if  Brule  had  not  received  additional  reports  concerning  the 
great  lake  beyond  the  Mer  Douce  (Lake  Huron),  on  his  last  jour- 
ney. So  it  was  that  he,  with  a  companion  named  GrenoUe,  now 
penetrated  the  region  to  the  northward  and  northwestward  of 
the  Huron  country,  undertaken,  it  would  seem,  in  the  year  1621, 
with  a  tuU  determination  to  reach  the  "  Grand  Lac." 

Gabriel  Sagard,  who  records  what  Brule  told  him,  did  not  reach 
Canada  until  1623,  going  the  same  year  up  the  Ottawa  to  the 
Hurons.  Until  he  had  met  the  interpreter  (Brule),  it  is  certain 
he  had  no  particular  knowledge  of  Lake  Superior  or  of  any 
copper-mines  unless  from  Indian  reports,  and  in  these  he 
would  doubtless  place  little  confidence.    As  an  historian,  there- 


156  APPENDIX. 

fore,  when  writing  about  what  Brul6  had  told  him,  he  would 
naturally  be  cautious,  as  the  relation  seemed  narvelous,  and  he 
had  no  moans  of  verifying  it. 

It  is  true  that  Sagard  does  not  say,  in  just  so  many  words,  that 
Bruld  reached  Lake  Superior ;  but  the  fact  is  clearly  to  be  in- 
ferred from  what  he  relates.  If  it  was  in  his  mind  that  the  inter- 
preter was  only  giving  him  Indian  reports,  why  does  he  write, 
making  a  distinction  between  such  reports  and  what  Brul6 
declared,  as  to  the  length  of  Lakes  Huron  and  Superior  com- 
bined? 

The  savages  knew  nothing  of  working  copper  ore;  they  could 
only  mine  pure  copper  and  this  was  to  be  found  only  to  the 
northward  of  Lake  Huron  —  that  is,  to  the  northward  of  the 
North  Channel,  as  now  called  —  and  farther  westward.  The 
ancient  manner  of  obtaining  copper  from  the  Lake  Superior 
mines  may  be  gleaned  from  the  following: 

"  Near  the  Ontonagon  river  [Michigan]  were  discovered  in  the 
present  century  long  parallel  lines  of  ancient  trenches,  which 
might  be  traced  for  miles  along  the  ridges  near  their  summit. 
These,  like  others  of  similar  character  in  other  parts  of  the  cop- 
per region,  were  found  to  mark  the  outcrop  of  copper  veins, 
which  at  some  remote  period  had  been  worked  by  an  unknown 
people.  The  excavations,  when  cleaned  out,  were  found  to  reach 
sometimes  twenty  feet  in  depth.  They  even  penetrated  under 
rock  cover  and  left  barren  places  of  the  vein  in  the  open  trenches, 
the  drift  forming  arches  over  the  drift  beneath.  Upon  the  rub- 
bish that  had  partially  filled  the  pits  large  trees  had  grown  up. 
A  hemlock  standing  by  the  side  of  a  much  older  stump  showed, 
when  cut,  over  three  hundred  and  fifty  distinct  annual  rings  of 
growth.  Buried  several  feet  under  its  roots,  and  supported  on 
skids  of  timber,  was  a  mass  of  copper  that  had  been  worked  free 
fron)  the  vein  and  cleared  by  fire  of  all  the  vein  stone  that  had 
filled  its  interstices ;  ashes  and  charred  wood  were  found  about 
it;  and  it  was  plain  that  every  attempt  had  been  made  to  reduce 
its  weight,  without  succeeding  in  this  sufficiently  to  render  its 
extraction  practicable.  Its  weight  proved  to  be  over  six  tons. 
The  tools  of  the  ancient  miners  were  found  in  immense  numbers, 
consisting  almost  exclusively  of  hammers  shaped  out  of  the  hard 
trap  rock,  with  one  sharp  edge  and  a  groove  around  them  for 
withing  on  a  hamlle.  The  edge  of  every  one  was  broken,  evi- 
dently in  the  service. ' ' 

While  the  evidence  is  not  so  clear  that  the  two  white  men 
reached  the  extremity  of  Lake  Superior  as  it  is  that  they  went 
as  far  as  where  there  were  copper  mines  on  the  northern  shore 


APPENDIX.  157 

of  Lake  Huron  (or  North  Channel,  as  now  known),  nevertheless, 
the  presumption  is  great  that  their  journey  westward  was  not 
ended  until  they  had  entered  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Louis  river 
from  the  head  of  the  kike.  There  was  surely  nothing  in  the 
distance  traveled  to  induce  a  belief  that  so  courageous  an  ex- 
plorer as  Brule  had  already  proved  himself  would  be  discouraged 
in  urging  his  canoe  so  far  into  an  unknown  country.  It  was  not 
so  great  —  so  hazardous  an  undertaking  as  his  exploration  of  the 
Susquehanna  river  and  Chesapeake  bay.  Besides,  he  and 
Grenolle  were  absent  two  years,  which  gives  them  plenty  of 
time  to  have  accomplished  the  exploration. 

Sagard  says  that,  according  to  Indian  reports.  Lake  Huron 
and  Lake  Superior  combined  had  a  length  of  "  thirty  days'  jour- 
ney by  canoe,"  but  according  to  BriiWs  report,  their  combined 
length  was  "  four  hundred  leagues. "  Evidently  the  friar  did  not 
look  upon  Brule's  estimate  as  an  Indian  report,  but  as  one  made 
by  him  after  going  to  the  head  of  the  lake  last  mentioned. 

"The  Franciscan  historian,  Sagard,  who  wrote  in  1632,  says 
that  6tienne  Brul6,  the  companion  of  Champlain,  left  that  ex- 
plorer at  Toanche  and  started  with  an  associate  named  Grenolle 
on  a  voyage  to  the  Upper  Lakes.  On  his  return  to  Quebec, 
bringing  with  him.  a  large  ingot  of  copper,  he  claimed  to  have 
visited  the  Sault,  and  gave  an  elaborate  description  of  Lake 
Superior,  but  all  this  information  'ne  could  have  obtained  from 
the  Wild  Oats  [Folles  Avoines  —  Menomonees]  of  Lake  Michi- 
gan, who  traded  with  the  Algonquins  of  the  North." — History  of 
the  Early  Missions  in  Westerti  Cafiada.  By  Very  Rev.  W.  R. 
Harris,  Dean  of  St.  Catherines.  Toronto:  1893.  p.  g4«.  It  is 
sate  to  say,  however,  had  Brul^  got  his  information  of  that  or 
any  other  nation  of  Indians,  he  would  have  so  stated. 

"  If  Sagard's  account  is  to  be  trusted,  Brule  had  in  some  man- 
ner also  [that  is,  in  addition  to  his  journey  to  Carantouan]  made 
his  way  westward,  so  as  to  find  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior. 
He  averred  that  it  took  nine  days  to  reach  the  western  extremity 
of  some  such  water.  The  stories  which  he  told  of  a  region  of 
copper  mines  point  to  this  lake,  and  Sagard  says  that  Brule 
showed  to  hira  an  ingot  of  that  metal  which  was  found  there." — 
Winsor,  in  Cartier  to  Frontenac,  pp.  121,  122. 

[I.J  PUBLISHED  STATEMENTS  OF  RECENT  WRITERS  BEARING  DIRECTLY  OR 

REMOTELY    UPON   THE   (JUESTION   OF    BRULfi'S 

DISCOVERY    OF    LAKE    SUPERIOR. 

"Among  the  pioneers  of  these  wanderers  \yoyagetirs'\  in  the 
American    forests  was  ^tienne    (Anglicized,    Stephen)    Brule, 


158  APPENDIX. 

of  Champigny.  .  .  .  He  went  with  Champlnin  to  the  Huron 
villages  near  Georgian  bay,  but  did  not  with  his  Superior  cross 
Lake  Ontario.  After  three  years  of  roaming,  he  came  back  to 
Montreal,  and  told  Champlain  that  he  had  found  a  river  which 
he  descended  until  it  flowed  into  a  sea, —  the  river  by  some  sup- 
posed to  be  the  Susquehanna,  and  the  sea  Chesapeake  bay. 
While  in  this  declaration  he  may  have  depended  upon  his  imag- 
ination, yet  to  him  belongs  the  undisputed  honor  of  being  the 
first  white  man  to  give  the  world  a  knowledge  of  the  region 
beyond  Lake  Huron. 

"  Sagard  mentions  that  this  bold  voya^eur,  with  a  French- 
man named  Grenolle,  made  a  long  journey,  and  returned  with  a 
'  lingot '  of  red  copper  and  with  a  description  of  Lake  Superior 
which  defined  it  as  v.-ry  large,  requiring  nine  days  to  reach  its 
upper  extremity,  and  discharging  itself  into  Lake  Huron  by  a 
fall." — Rev.  Edward  D.  Neill,  A.B.,  m  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  p.  165.  (For  Sagard's  words  in 
French,  see  Note  XXII  [b]  of  this  Appendix.) 

"  The  original  [of  Champlain's  map  of  1632]  was  published  in 
the  year  of  its  date,  but  it  had  been  completed  before  Champlain 
left  Quebec  in  1629.  The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  it  was 
made  from  Champlain's  personal  explorations  and  from  such 
other  information  as  could  be  obtained  from  the  meagre  sources 
which  existed  at  that  early  period,  and  not  from  any  accurate  or 
scientific  surveys.  The  information  which  he  obtained  from 
others  was  derived  from  more  or  less  doubtful  sources,  coming  as 
it  did  from  fishermen,  fur-traders,  and  the  native  inhabitants. 
The  two  former  undoubtedly  constructed,  from  time  to  time,  rude 
maps  of  the  coast  for  their  own  use.  From  these,  Champlain 
probablj  obtained  valuable  hints,  and  he  was  thus  able  to  supple- 
ment his  own  knowledge  of  the  regions  with  which  he  was  least 
familiar  on  the  Atlantic  coast  and  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 
Beyond  the  limits  of  his  personal  explorations  on  the  West,  his 
information  was  wholly  derived  from  the  savages.  No 
European  had  penetrated  into  those  regions,  if  we  except  his 
servant,  £tienne  BrilU,  whose  descriptions  could  have  been  of 
very  little  service.  The  deficiencies  of  Champlain's  map  are 
here  accordingly  most  apparent.  Rivers  and  lakes  farther  west 
than  the  Georgian  bay,  and  south  of  it,  are  sometimes  laid  down 
where  none  exist,  and,  again,  where  they  do  exist,  none  are  por- 
trayed. The  outline  of  Lake  Huron,  for  illustration,  was  entirely 
misconceived.  A  river-like  line  only  of  water  represents  Lake 
Erie,  while  Lake  Michigan  does  not  appear  at  all." — Rev.  E.  F. 
Slafter,   in  the    Prince   Society  Publications  of  Champlain' s 


APPENDIX.  159 

"Voyages,"  vol.  I,  pp.  210,  211.      (The  italicising  in  the  above 
extract  is  mine.)* 

In  the  Index  to  Champlain's  map  of  1632  is  this  note:  "  33 
Riuibre  des  Puans,  coming  from  a  lake  where  there  is  a  mine  of 
pure  red  ".opper."  Commenting  on  this,  Mr.  Slafter  says: 
"  Champlain  had  not  been  in  this  region,  and  consequently  ob- 
tained his  information  from  the  savages.  There  is  no  such  lake 
as  he  represents  on  his  map  and  the  island  producing  puie  cop- 
per may  have  been  Isle  Royale  in  Lake  Superior. ' ' 

The  outlet  of  Lake  Superior  (with  the  rapids,  or  falls)  is  thus 
spoken  of  in  the  Index  to  the  map  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
paragraph : 

"  Sault  de  Gaston,  nearly  two  leagues  broad,  and  discharging 
into  the  Mer  Douce  [Lake  Huron].  It  comes  from  another  very 
large  lake,  which,  with  the  Mer  Douce,  has  an  extent  of  thirty 
days'  journey  by  canoe,  according  to  the  report  of  the  savages." 
As  to  the  delineations  on  the  map  itself,  of  the  vicinity,  Winsor 
(Cariter  to  Front cnac,  p.  144)  says:  "  Very  curiously  there 
seems  to  be  [on  the  map]  the  beginning  of  the  Straits  of  Macki- 
naw, with  its  island  nearly  in  the  proper  place,  while  the  inlet 
which  stands  for  Green  bay  amid  the  country  of  the  Puants 
[Winnebagoes]  is  thrown  over  to  the  north  side  of  [Lake]  Hu- 
ron." f  Preceding  this,  Mr.  Winsor  writes  also  concerning  the 
map  and  Index  just  alluded  to: 

"  In  the  large  map  [of  1632]  there  is  perhaps  some,  but  less 
reason  to  suspect  an  alien  hand  [than  in  his  '  Voyages '  of  that 
year,  to  which  the  map  is  appended].     We  get  from  it  the  first 

*Upon  Champlain's  arrival  in  London  as  a  prisoner,  in  1629,  he  laid  be- 
fore the  French  ambassador  a  map  of  the  country,  believed  to  have  been  his 
large  map  [1632]  of  New  France  (see  Slafter's  "  Memoir  of  Champlain,"  vol. 
I>  P-  i73i  of  the  Prince  Society  Publications). 

t  We  are  now  satisfied  that  the  lake  represented  on  Champlain's  map  of 
1632,  but  drawn  in  the  year  1629,  having  an  island  where  there  is  a  copper 
mine,  is  I<ake  Winnebago,  and  that  the  stream  leading  from  it  is  what  is 
now  known  as  Fox  river,  but  the  island  should  have  been  represented  as 
being  in  Lake  Superior  ;  and  the  lake  and  river,  instead  of  being  to  the  north 
of  Lake  Huron,  should  have  been  given  as  west  of  Lake  Michigan.  As 
Champlain  probably  received  information  from  Indian  reports  as  to  the  ex- 
istence of  Lake  Winnebago  and  Pox  river,  and  from  Brule  concern  ng  Isle 
Royale— that  he  (Brule)  reached  it  on  his  trip  when  he  found  "  pure  oopper  " 
north  of  Lake  Huron  ;  and  as  he  (Champlain)  recollected,  though  erroneously, 
that  the  mine  was  in  Lake  Winnebago  (as  now  called),  it  is  not  difficult  to  see 
why  the  lake  last  mentioned  should  have  been  placed  where  it  is  to  be  found 
on  the  map.  It  is  the  fact  of  Champlain  having  received  knowledge  of  the 
existence  of  a  mine  of  "  pure  copper  "  on  an  island,  which  induces  the  belief 
that  Isle  Royale  was  visited  by  Btdl6  and  Grenolle.  It  is  suggested  that  the 
island  mentioned  by  Winsor  as  being  "Mackinaw"  island  is,  rather,  the 
Great  Mauitouliu. 


l6o  APPENDIX. 

cartographical  intimation  of  a  great  lake  beyond  the  Mer  Douce 
[Lake  Huron].  In  an  explanatory  legend,  Champlain  says  that 
the  Saut  du  Gaston,  commemorating  a  brother  of  Louis  XIII, 
was  near  two  leagues  in  width, — it  represents  the  present  Sault 
Ste.  Marie, —  with  its  waters  coming  from  a  very  large  lake 
beyond." 

[II.J  COMMENTS  ON  THE  PREVIOUS  EXTRACTS  RELATING  TO  BRULfi'S  DIS- 
COVERY  OF   LAKE   superior; 

The  language  of  Neill  that  to  Brul6  "  belongs  the  undisputed 
honor  of  being  the  first  white  man  to  give  to  the  world  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  region  beyond  Lake  Huron,  is,  of  course,  with  little 
significance,  until  there  is  coupled  with  it  the  further  informa- 
tion that  he  returned  from  his  "  long  journey  "  "  with  a  '  lingot ' 
of  red  copper  and  with  a  description  of  Lake  Superior."  That 
author,  notwithstanding  his  declaration  that  Brule  took  a  "long 
journey,"  only  commits  himself  to  the  fact  that  he  afterwards 
gave  to  "  the  world  a  knowledge  of  the  region  "  where  was  to  be 
found  pure  copper  and  where  existed  the  great  lake;  he  is  cau- 
tious to  avoid  any  declaration  as  to  whether,  in  his  judgment, 
the  "bold  voyageur"  visited  this  the  largest  body  of  fresh 
water  on  the  globe,  or  the  mines  whence  came  the  "  'lingot'  of 
red  copper."  Subsequently  {Mag.  Western  Hist.,  vol.  VII, 
p.  412),  he  has  not  the  courage  of  his  ;onvictions;  for  he  asserts, 
in  effect,  that  Brule  did  not  visit  LfiKe  Superior:  "  There  is  no 
evidence  that  any  European,  before  Anno  Domini  1659,  explored 
the  shores  of  Lake  Superior.  It  is  true  that  Indians  visiting 
Quebec  had  alluded  to  the  big  waters  in  the  far  west,  and  Gre- 
nolle,  one  of  Champlain's  daring  men,  after  an  absence  of  three 
years,  returned  from  his  roaming  with  a  nugget  of  copper  and 
the  description  of  a  lake  which  required  the  Indians  to  paddle 
their  canoes  nine  days  to  pass  from  the  eastern  to  [the]  western 
extremity.  More  than  ten  years  later,  A.  D.  1634,  the  Sieur 
Nicolet,  an  interpreter  of  a  trading  company,  was  the  first 
European  to  spend  the  winter  near  the  Green  bay  of  Lake  Michi- 
gan, but  he  did  not  pass  beyond  the  Sault  du  Gaston,  now  called 
the  Sault  Sainte  Marie." 

As  to  the  declaration  of  Harris  that  Sagard  says  that  Brul6  left 
Champlain  "  at  Toanch6  and  started  with  an  associate  named 
GrenoUe  on  a  voyage  to  the  Upper  Lakes,"  it  may  be  said  that 
Sagard,  in  so  declaring,  is  in  error;  for  Champlain  himself  says 
he  did  not  part  with  his  interpreter  at  Toanch^,  but  after  he 
had  left  that  Indian  town ;  and  that  when  he  took  leave  of 
his  patron  it  was  not  to  go  "to  the  Upper  Lakes,"  but  to  the 


APPENDIX.  l6l 

Carantouannais ;  and  that  he  never  after  saw  Champlain  in  the 
Huron  country,  Harris  infers,  however,  from  Sagard's  words, 
that  Brul6,  on  his  return  from  his  "  voyage  to  the  Upper  Lakes," 
bringing  with  him  a  large  ingot  of  copper,  "claimed  to  have 
visited  the  Sault  [Ste.  Marie],"  and  that  he  "gave  an  elaborate 
description  of  Lake  Superior."  That  writer  is  not  entirely 
satisfied  but  that  Brul6  might  have  claimed  more  credit  than  he 
was  entitled  to;  for  he  adds,  as  we  have  seen: — "but  all  this 
information  he  [Brul6]  could  have  obtained  from  the  Wild  Oats 
[FoUes  Avoines  —  Menomonees  —  who  lived  on  the  north  side  of 
Green  bay,  in  the  present  Wisconsin]  of  Lake  Mk  higan,  who 
traded  with  the  Algonquins  of  the  North."  Howev  c,  there  is 
no  evidence  that  Champlain's  interpreter  met  any  of  the  Wild 
Oiits  on  his  journey;  and  I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  account 
of  their  having  traded  with  the  Beaver  nation  or  with  the 
Oumisagai  previous  to  Brul6's  death  in  1632,  or  with  any 
savages  living  to  the  southeast  of  the  mouth  of  French  river, 
although  it  is  highly  probable  that  such  may  have  been  the  fact 
previously,  but  now  they  were  at  war  with  each  other.* 

The  conclusions  of  Winsor,  that,  if  Sagard's  account  is  to  be 
trusted,  "  Brul6  had  in  some  manner  .  .  .  made  his  way  west- 
ward so  as  to  find  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior,"  rest,  of  course, 
wholly  upon  the  credibility  of  the  Franciscan  historian.  That 
Sagard's  account  is  to  be  relied  upon  is  altogether  certain.  What 
possible  reason  could  he  have  had  for  inventing  such  an  account, 
or  for  misstating  Brul6's  words?  None,  certainly.  Besides,  he 
repeats  the  story  of  the  visit,  so  far  as  Grenolle  is  concerned ;  and 
it  is  abundantly  evident  that  there  was  a  Frenchman  of  that  name 
among  the  Hurons.  The  gooc'  friar's  words  are:  "The  inter- 
preter Brul6  assured  us  that  beyond  the  '  Freshwater  Sea '  [Mer 
Douce —  Lake  Huron]  there  was  another  very  large  lake,  which 
empties  into  it  by  a  waterfall."  He  does  not  say  Brule  assured 
him  that,  from  Indian  reports,  there  ' '  was  another  very  large 
lake,"  etc.  The  map  of  Champlain  of  1632  shows  distinctly  the 
position  of  the  strait  leading  out  of  Lake  Superior,  the  rapids  in 
the  strait,  and  the  Great  Manitoulin  island.  Champlain  evi- 
dently had  had  these  marked  out  for  him  by  some  one  who  had 
been  there ;  and  that  it  was  not  an  Indian  is  evident  from  the 
confidence  placed  in  the  relation  by  the  rapids  being  named, 
"  Sault  de.  Gaston."    This  surely  would  not  have  been  done  had 

*At  least,  such  is  the  inference  from  what  Champlain  says.  And  it  is 
known  that  the  Indians  west  of  Lake  Michigan  were  constantly  making  war 
upon  those  dwelling  upon  the  coast  of  the  North  Channel  and  of  the  Georgian 
bay.  (See  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Northwest,  byfohn  Nicolet,  in  1634, 
passim.) 


l62  APPENDIX. 

a  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  the  falls  rested  solely  upon  In- 
dian reports ;  a  white  man  (or  white  men)  must  have  seen  them 
or  they  would  not  have  been  named  at  all, —  surely  not  in  honor 
of  a  brother  of  the  King  of  France. 

Slafter's  language  regarding  explorations  made  previous  to 
1629,  "  on  the  wist " —  beyond  the  limits  of  Champlain's  journey- 
ings  in  that  direction  —  are,  as  we  have  seen,  that  "  no  European 
had  penetrated  into  those  regions,  if  we  except  his  [Champlain's] 
servant,  fitienne  Brul6,  whose  descriptions  could  have  been  of 
little  service."  But  the  reason  given  why  they  had  very  little 
value  is  not  clearly  set  forth.  He  urges  that,  as  Champlain  had 
to  rely  upon  Indian  reports  and  upon  Brule's  not  very  service- 
able descriptions,  of  the  region  ' '  en  the  west ' '  outside  of  what  he 
himself  had  seen,  his  map  published  in  1632  is,  as  to  that  coun- 
try, particularly  deficient.  But  these  ' '  deficiencies  ' '  are  only 
of  a  serious  character  where,  it  is  clear,  neither  Champlain  nor 
Brul6  had  journeyed. 

As  the  journey  of  Brul6  and  GrenoUe  to  Lake  Superior  occurred 
after  the  publication  of  1619,  of  Champlain's  Voyages,  the 
account  of  it  could  not,  of  course,  have  found  a  place  in  any  of 
his  works  preceding  that  date.  That  no  mention  is  made  of  it  in 
the  edition  of  1632  was  either  the  work  of  an  "  alien  hand  "  or  of 
Champlain  himself,  because  his  interpreter  went  over  to  the 
English  at  the  period  of  the  surrender  of  Quebec  to  the  latter. 
What  gives  color  to  the  belief  that  the  Governor  had  nothing  to 
do  with  the  omission  is  the  circumstance  that,  in  the  Index  to 
the  map  of  1632  (which  accompanies  that  edition),  where  Lake 
Superior  is  spoken  of,  almost  the  exact  words  employed  by 
Sagard  are  used, —  stopping  short,  however,  of  what  the  latter 
says  as  to  Bruli.  Says  the  Index :  "It  [the  river  forming  the 
'  Sault  de  Gaston ']  comes  from  another  very  large  lake,  which, 
with  the  Mer  Douce,  [Lake  Huron]  has  an  extent  of  thirty  days' 
journey  by  canoe,  according  to  the  report  of  the  savages."  But 
thus  Sagard:  "  Which  lake  [Superior]  with  the  Mer  Douce  have 
almost  thirty  days'  journey  by  canoe  in  length,  according  to  the 
account  of  the  savages,  and  according  to  the  interpreter  [Brul6] 
four  hundred  leagues  in  length  [the  italicising  is  ours]. "  Now, 
as  this  Index  was  not  made  by  Champlain,  it  becomes  highly 
probable  that  the  omission  of  the  words  in  italics  was  not  his 
work.  And  the  same  reason  which  caused  the  omission  of  the 
journey  to  Lake  Superior  may  have  caused  the  leaving  out  of 
the  narrative  his  visit  to  the  Carantouannais.  (See  Note  XVII 
of  this  Appendix.)*    And  this  comparison  shows  conclusively, 

*  The  reasons  for  these  omissions  are  to  be  found,  in  all  probability,  in 


APPENDIX.  163 

even  assuming  that  Champlain  wrote  the  Index,  that  what  Brul6 
told  him  of  his  journey  to  Lake  Superior  corresponded  largely 
with  what  he  had  previously  told  Sagard  concerning  it. 

NOTE  XIX. 

THE   NEUTRAL   NATION. 

The  first  white  man  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  the 
Neutral  nation  was  Champlain  in  1616,  while  on  his  visit  to  the 
Cheveux  Relev6s: 

"They  [the  Cheveux  Relev6s]  gave  us  good  cheer  and  wel- 
comed us  very  cordially,  earnestly  begging  me  to  assist  them 
against  their  enemies,  v/ho  dwell  on  the  banks  of  the  Mer  Douce, 
two  hundred  leagues  distant. 

"  There  is  also,  at  a  distance  of  a  two  days*  journey  from  them 
[the  Cheveux  Releves],  in  a  southerly  direction,  another  savage 
nation  that  produces  a  large  amount  of  tobacco.  This  nation 
is  called  the  Neutrals.  They  number  four  thousand  warriors, 
and  dwell  westward  of  the  Lake  of  the  Entouhonorons  [Ontario], 
which  is  from  eighty  to  a  hundred  leagues  in  extent.  They,  how- 
ever, assist  the  Cheveux  Releves  against  the  Gens  de  Feu  [Mas- 
coutins].  But  with  the  Iroquois  and  our  allies  [the  Hurons]  they 
are  at  peace,  and  preserve  a  neutrality.  There  is  a  cordial  un- 
derstanding towards  both  of  these  nations,  and  they  do  not 
venture  to  engage  in  any  dispute  or  quarrel,  but  on  the  contrary 
often  eat  and  drink  with  them  like  good  friends." 

The  visit  of  La  Roche  Daillon  to  the  Neutrals  brought  to  light 
many  facts  concerning  them.  What  Brul6  had  narrated  previ- 
ously relative  to  the  nation  can  only  be  conjectured  —  only  that 
he  gave,  what  Daillon  confirmed,  a  "grand  account."  "At 
last,"  says  the  friar,  "ten  men  of  the  last  village  called  ' Ouaro- 
ronon,  one  day's  journey  from  the  Iroquois,  their  relatives  and 
friends,  coming  to  trade  at  our  village  [Ounontisaston]  came  to 
visit  me,  and  invited  me  to  come  and  see  them,  in  their  village." 

Such  are  the  words  of  Daillon.  Now,  the  phrase  "last  vil- 
lage "  means  undoubtedly  the  "  last  village  "  of  the  Neutrals,  on 
the  east  towards  the  Iroquois,  not  the  "  last  village  "  visited  by 
Daillon  (as  generally  supposed)  before  the  ten  savages  made 
their  appearance  in  the  town  where  he  was  then  sojourning. 
This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the  savage  visitors  invited  him 

what  is  stated  by  King^sford  in  his  History  of  Canada,—  that  they  were  made 
to  "  influence  opinion,  so  that  Canada,  restored  to  Prance,  should  be  given 
ovej-  entirely  to  the  Jesuits."  The  latter  would  be  slow  to  acknowledge  the 
discoveries  and  explorations  of  Brul6  therefore,  as  these  would  militate 
against  their  scheme.    (See  Note  I  of  this  Appendix.) 


1 64  APPENDIX. 

"  to  come  and  see  them  in  their  village,"  which,  of  course,  they 
would  not  have  done  had  he  just  left  it  As  these  ten  savages 
went  to  the  town  where  Daillon  was  stopping  for  the  purpose  of 
trade,  it  is  altogether  certain  that  he  had  traveled  a  considerable 
distance  westward  before  reaching  Ounontisaston.  The  ten  In- 
dians then  fell  upon  the  friar  and  came  near  killing  him ;  then 
they  robbed  him  of  his  goods ;  but,  subsequently,  they  sent  back 
most  of  the  articles. 

Now,  as  Daillon  had  not  previously  visited  Ouaroronon,  it  is 
quite  sure,  after  this  experience,  he  would  not  venture  there. 
It  is  clear  then  he  did  not  reach  the  Niagara  river  from  the  wv)St, 
the  mouth  of  which  he  fondly  hoped  to  discover  before  leaving 
the  country,  so  as  to  bring  the  Neutrals  to  trade  by  way  of  Lake 
Ontario  with  the  French  on  the  St.  Lawrence. 

But  there  was  good  reason  why  Daillon  would  not  make  the 
journey  eastward  to  the  Niagara,  even  if  he  had  kno\/n  the  way 
and  could  have  gone  unattended.  He  would  not  wish  to  provoke 
the  Neutrals  to  desperat-.on,  who,  he  well  knew,  were  opposed 
to  trading  with  the  French  upon  the  St.  Lawrence.  Huron 
jealousy  was  all-powerful  on  the  north,  and  Iroquois  hatred  of 
the  French  on  the  east.  The  nation  would  be  slow  to  incur  the 
hatred  of  either;  much  slower  to  bring  upon  themselves  the 
hostility  of  both. 

The  following,  then,  by  Shea  (Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critic- 
al History  of  America,  vol.  IV,  p.  279),  is  error:  "  The  Recol- 
lect Joseph  de  la  Roche  d'  Allion  [frequently  so  written]  had 
already  in  early  days  [referring  to  the  years  1626  and  1627] 
crossed  the  Niagara  from  the  rvest." 

Says  Daillon:  "  Passing  the  Petun  nation,  I  made  acquaintance 
and  friendship  with  an  Indian  chief,  who  is  in  great  credit, 
who  promised  to  guide  me  to  the  Neutral  nation  and  supply  In- 
dians to  carry  our  baggage  and  what  little  provision  we 
had.  ...  He  fulfilled  what  he  had  promised  to  our  satisfac- 
tion, and  we  slept  only  five  nights  in  the  woods,  and  on  the  sixth 
day  arrived  at  the  first  village  [of  the  Neutrals],  where  we 
were  well  received,  thanks  to  our  Lord,  and  then  at  four  other 
villages,  which  envied  each  other  in  bringing  us  food, — 
some  venison,  others  squashes,  neinthaony,  and  the  best  they 
had." 

Daillon  says  the  nation  has  twenty-eight  towns,  cities  and 
villages,  made  like  those  in  the  Huron  country,  and  also  several 
little  hamlets  of  seven  or  eight  cabins,  built  in  various  parts  con- 
venient for  fishing,  hunting,  or  agriculture.* 

Harris's  Early  Missions  in  IVf stern  Canada,  p.  50. 


APPENDIX.  165 

Thirty-six  villages  of  the  Neutrals,  accordiag  to  a  recent 
writer,  were  in  what  is  now  Canadian  territory ;  and  the  last  of 
the  four  or  five  towns  on  the  American  side  of  the  Niagara  river 
eastward  was  where  the  city  of  Lockport  now  stands.* 

NOTE  XX. 

AS  TO   BRUl£  going  over  to   the  ENGLISH. 

It  is,  seemingly,  very  evident  that  the  invective  indulged  in 
against  Brul6,  as  found  in  the  edition  of  his  works  of  1632,  was 
written  not  by  Champlain  but  by  the  compiler  of  that  book.  The 
words  betray  a  vindictive  and  revengeful  spirit, —  charging,  as 
they  do,  viciousness  and  licentiousness  —  which  Champlain  surely 
could  not  have  written ;  for  the  latter  was  the  very  person  who 
had  from  the  beginning  urged  and  supported  his  young  friend 
in  leaving  civilization  to  become  thoroughly  imbued  with  Indian 
life.  The  words  themselves  show  that  they  must  have  been 
written  by  an  alien  hand:  "It  was  a  very  bad  example  to 
send  persons  of  such  bad  morals  as  the  interpreter  Brul6  among 
the  Indians,  who  received  a  salary  of  one  hundred  pistoles  a  year 
to  urge  the  savages  to  trade  with  us.  Such  characters  ought  to 
have  been  severely  chastised ;  for  it  was  recognized  that  that  man 
was  vicious  and  licentious :  but  what  will  not  be  the  mischief 
wrought  by  the  hope  of  gain,  which  comes  before  every  other 
consideration? "  f 

Such  are  the  words  we  are  asked  to  believe  emanated  from 
Champlain  concerning  his  faithful  interpreter,  Brul^,  because 
he  went  over  to  the  British  when  Kirk  made  his  second  appear- 
ance in  the  St.  Lawrence.  Whether  it  was  really  heartless  for 
Brul6  to  assist  in  getting  the  ships  up  the  river  may  be  judged 
of  by  the  following: 

"  He  [an  Indian]  had  just  discovered  three  ships  sailing  up  the 
south  channel  of  Orleans.  Champlain  was  alone.  All  his  follow- 
ers were  absent,  fishing  or  searching  for  roots.  At  about  ten 
o'clock  his  servant  appeared  with  four  small  bags  of  roots,  and 
the  tidings  that  he  had  seen    .    .    .    three  ships  a  league  off, 

■*  Id.,  p.  130.  See,  further,  as  to  the  Neutral  nation,  Marshall's  The  Niagara 
frontier,  pp.  5-T,  PAriunan'B  Jesuits  of  North  America,  pp.  XIvIV,  XLV,  and 
the  authorities  there  cited. 

t "  Le  truchement  Brusli  i  qui  Ton  donnolt  cent  pistoUes  par  an,  pour 
inciter  les  Sauuages  i.  venir  i  la  traitte,  ce  qui  estoit  de  tres-mauuais  ezemple, 
d'enuoyer  ainsi  des  personnes  si  maluiuans,  que  Ton  eust  deub  chastier 
seuerement,  car  Ton  recognoissoit  cet  homme  pour  estre  fort  vicieux,  & 
adonn^  aux  femmes;  mais  que  ne  fait  faire  I'esperance  du  gain,  qui  passe 
par dessus  toutes  considerations."  _,i_„.. .„- ^  .^^--^ — ^- 


166  APPENDIX. 

behind  Point  Levi.  As  man  after  man  hastened  in,  Champlain 
ordered  the  starved  and  ragged  band,  sixteen  in  all,  to  their 
posts,  whence,  with  hungry  eyes,  they  watched  the  English 
vessels  anchoring  in  the  basin  below." — Parkman's  Pioneers, 
p.  406. 

Says  Mr.  Suite:  "Champlain  was  very  angry  at  the  desertion 
of  the  four  Frenchmen,  Brule,  Baillif,  Marsolet  and  Raye,  to 
the  English.  No  doubt  that,  in  accordance  with  the  barbarous 
customs  of  the  XVIth  and  XVIIth  centuries,  the  four  deserved 
hanging;  but  they  were  not  soldiers:  they  had  the  right  to  look 
anywhere  for  a  living ;  and  if  the  question  of  patriotism  comes 
in,  I  would  like  to  know  where  it  existed  in  France,  when  so 
many  noble  warriors  made  a  business  of  enlisting  in  foreign 
armies  against  France.  Patriotism  was  created  one  hundred 
years  ago  by  the  French  Revolution. 

"  Even  now,  considering  the  extraordinary  circumstances  of 
Quebec,  in  1629,  if  such  a  situation  was  to  present  itself  to  us, 
we  would  drop  all  patriotism  for  a  loaf  of  bread,  especially  when 
hired  as  common  laborers  and  not  ei;     ^ed  as  soldiers. ' ' 

NOTE  XXI. 

CANNIBALISM   AMONG  THE   HURONS. 

Cannibalism,  except  to  a  limited  extent,  was  not  practiced  by 
the  Indians  of  North  America  at  and  after  the  discovery  of  the 
New  World  by  Columbus ;  at  least,  the  eating  of  human  flesh  was 
only  to  gratify  their  appetites  upon  rare  occasions  and  was  then 
restricted  to  the  devouring  of  the  bodies  of  enemies.  It  was  an 
act  of  revenge  and  carried  with  it,  also,  something  of  an  idea  of 
a  religious  rite.  Just  what  nations  were  addicted  to  it  can  not  be 
stated ;  although  it  is  known  to  have  been  indulged  in  by  those 
of  the  Iroquois  and  Algonquin  families.  The  Hurons  sometimes 
ate  a  foe  they  had  killed  (see  Relation  des  Hurons,  1636,  p.  121 ; 
1637.  P-  118);  so,  too,  the  Miamis. 

"I  saw  the  Iroquois,"  writes  Father  Bressani,  "tear  out  the 
heart  from  a  Huron  captive  whom  they  had  killed,  and  in  the 
presence  of  the  other  prisoners  roast  and  devour  it."  "  In  a 
word,"  says  Lalemant,  "they  eat  human  flesh  with  as  much 
appetite  and  more  relish  than  hunters  eat  the  meat  of  the  deer." 
It  was,  however,  an  appetite  promoted,  mostly,  by  the  spirit  of 
revenge. 


APPENDIX.  167 

NOTE  XXII. 

EXTRACTS   FROM   SAGARD's    "  HISTOIRE   DU   CANADA"    (PARIS   EDITION, 
1866)   RELATING   TO   BRULfi. 

w 

"  L'un  de  nos  Francois  nomra6  Crenole  [Grenolle],  ayant  est6 
a  la  traicte  du  coste  nord,  en  une  nation  esloignde  environ  100 
lieues  des  Hurons,  tirant  i  la  mine  cuivre,  nous  dit  d  son  retour 
y  avoir  veu  plusieurs  filles  ausquelles  on  avoit  coupp6  le  bout  du 
n6s  selon  la  coustume  du  pais,  pour  avoir  faict  bresche  k  leur 
honneur." — p.  338. 

[Translation.] 

One  of  our  Frenchmen  named  Crenole  [Grenolle],  having  been 
on  the  journey  of  the  north  shore  to  a  nation  about  100  leagues 
distant  from  the  Hurons,  approaching  the  copper  mine,  told  us 
on  his  return  that  he  had  seen  there  several  girls  the  end  of 
whose  noses  had  been  cut  off,  in  accordance  with  the  custom  of 
the  country,  for  having  made  a  breach  in  their  honor. 


II  se  trouve  une  autre  grande  difficult^  en  ces  langues  (Huron, 
Ebiceriny,  Montaignais)  en  la  prononciation  de  quelques  syllables, 
k  laquelle  consistent  les  diverses  signification  d'un  mesme  mot 
qui  est  une  difficult6  plus  grande  que  I'on  ne  pense  pas,  car  man- 
quez  seulement  en  une  vous  manquez  en  tout,  ou  si  vous  vous 
faites  entendre,  ce  sera  tout  autrement  que  vous  ne  desirez, 
comme  en  ce  mot  Ebicerinyen:  Kidauskinne,  lequel  avec  une 
certaine  fajon  de  prononcer  veut  dire,  tu  n'as  point  d'esprit,  et 
par  un  autre  ton  signifie:  tu  as  menty.  Ainsi  en  est-il  de  quan- 
tity d'autres  mots,  c'est  pourquoi  11  faut  ayder  k  la  lettre,  et 
apprendre  la  cadence  si  on  y  veut  profiter,  car  le  Truchement 
Brusl6  s'y  est  quelquefois  lui-mesme  trouv6  bien  empesch^  et 
moi-encore  plus.    ...    p.  338. 

[Translation.] 

There  is  another  great  difficulty  in  these  languages  (Huron, 
Ebiceriny,  Montaignais)  in  the  pronunciation  of  some  of  the  syl- 
lables, in  which  consists  the  different  significations  of  the  same 
word,  which  is  a  greater  difficulty  than  one  would  think,  for  if 
you  fail  only  in  one  you  fail  in  all,  or  if  you  make  yourself  under- 
stood, it  may  be  quite  otherwise  than  you  desire;  as  in  this 


l68  APPENDIX. 

Ebicerinyen  word,  Kidauskinne ;  which,  proi..)unced  in  a  certain 
manner,  signifies,  "you  have  no  seP!>c ; "  and,  with  another  accent, 
signifies,  "you  have  lied."  It  is  thus  with  a  quantity  of  other 
words,  which  is  the  reason  it  is  necessary  to  aid  the  spelling, 
and  learn  the  cadence  if  you  wish  to  avail  yourself  of  them,  for 
the  Interpreter  Brul6  sometimes  found  himself  much  embar- 
rassed vith  them  and  I  myself  still  more.     .    .     . 


[c] 

Cc  pauvre  Brusl^,  quoy  qu'assez  s;avant  dans  le  pals  des  Hu- 
rons  et  lieux  circonvoisins,  se  perdit  neantmoins  et  s'dgara  de 
telle  sorte  que  faute  d'avoir  une  de  ses  bousoles,  ou  prins  garde 
au  soleil,  il  touma  le  dos  aux  Hurons,  traversa  force  pals  et 
coucha  quelques  nuicts  dans  les  bois,  jusques  k  un  matin  qu'ay- 
ant  trouv6  un  sentier  battu,  il  se  rendit  par  icelui  dans  un  village 
d'Hiroquois,  ou  il  fut  k  peine  arriv6  qu'il  fut  saisi  et  constitu6 
prisonnier  en  ensuite  condamn^  k  la  mort  par  le  conseil  des 
Sages. 

Le  pauvre  homme  bien  estonnd  ne  ssavait  k  quel  Sainct  se 
voiier,  car  d'esperer  misericorde  il  scavait  bien  qu'il  n'estoit  point 
en  lieu,  il  eut  dont  [sc.  done]  recours  k  Dieu  et  k  la  patience,  et  se 
soubmit  k  ses  divines  volontez,  plus  par  force  qu'autrement,  car  11 
n'estoit  guere  devot,  tesmoin  ce  qu'il  nous  dit  un  jour,  que  s'es- 
tant  trouv6  en  un  autre  grand  peril  de  la  mort,  pour  toute  priere 
il  dit  sou  Benedicite. 

Or  je  ne  Sfay  s'il  le  dit  icy  se  voyant  prisonnier  et  dans  le  pre- 
mier appareil  de  la  mort,  car  des-ja  ils  I'avaient  faict  coucher  de 
son  long  contre  terre  et  lui  arrachaient  la  barbe,  lorsque  I'un 
d'eux  avisant  un  Agnus  Dei,  qu'il  portait  pendu  k  son  col,  lui 
voulant  arracher,  il  se  prit  k  crier  et  dit  k  ses  bourreaux,  que 
s'ils  lui  ostaient,  Dieu  les  en  chastierait,  comme  il  fist;  car  ils 
n'eurent  pas  plutost  mis  la  main  dessus  pour  lui  tirer  du  col,  que 
le  ciel  auparavant  serein,  se  troubla  et  envoya  tant  d'esclairs  et 
d'orages  et  de  foudres,  qu'ils  en  creurent  estre  au  dernier  jour, 
s'enfuyrent  dans  leurs  cabanes  et  laisserent  Ik  leur  prisonnier, 
qui  se  leva  et  s'enfuit  comme  les  autres  mais  d'un  autre 
c6t6.    .    .    . 

A  la  fin  ce  fortune  Brusl6  a  este  du  depuis  condamn6  k  la 
mort,  puis  mang6  par  les  Hurons,  ausquels  il  avait  si  longtemps 
servy  de  Truchement,  et  le  tout  pour  une  hayne  qu'ils  conceu- 
rent  contre  luy  pour  je  ne  s$ay  qu'elle  faute  qu'il  commit  k  leur 
endroit. 


APPENDIX.  169 

II  y  avait  beaucoup  d'anndes  qu'il  demeurait  avec  eux,  vivait 
quasi  comme  eux,  et  servait  de  Truchement  aux  Franqais,  et 
apr^s  tout  cela  n'a  remport6  pour  toute  recompense  qu'une  morte 
douleureuse  et  une  fin  funeste  et  malheureuse ;  je  prie  Dieu  qu'il 
lui  fasse  misericorde,  s'il  lui  plaist  et  aye  piti6  de  son  ame.— 
p.  430. 

[Translation.] 

This  poor  Brul6,  though  very  well-informed  about  the  country 
of  the  Hurons  and  the  surroundiir^  regions,  got  lost  nevertheless 
and  strayed  so  tar  from  lack  of  having  one  of  his  compasses,  or 
taking  notice  of  the  sun,  that  he  turned  his  back  on  the  Hurons, 
traversed  many  regions  and  slept  several  nights  in  the  woods, 
until  one  morning  having  found  a  beaten  path  he  proceeded  by 
this  to  a  village  of  the  Iroquois,  where  he  had  scarcely  arrived 
when  he  was  seized  and  made  prisoner,  and  then  tondemned  to 
death  by  the  council  of  the  Sages. 

The  poor  man,  much  astonished,  did  not  know  to  whirh  Saint 
to  make  vows,  for  he  knew  well  there  was  no  chance  of  any 
hope  of  mercy,  so  he  had  recourse  to  God  and  to  patience,  and 
submitted  himself  to  his  Divine  will,  more  by  force  than  of'er- 
wise,  for  he  was  not  very  pious,  as  witness  what  he  said  to  us 
one  day,  that  finding  himself  in  another  great  peril  of  death,  for 
all  prayer  he  said  his  Benedicite. 

Now  I  do  not  know  whether  he  said  it  here,  seeing  himself  a 
prisoner  and  in  solemn  preparation  for  death,  for  already  they 
had  made  him  lie  down  at  full  length  on  the  ground,  and  were 
pulling  out  his  beard,  when  one  of  them  perceiving  an  Agnus 
Dei,  which  he  wore  hung  at  his  neck,  wishing  to  snatch  it  from 
him,  he  began  to  cry  out  and  said  to  his  executioners  that  if 
they  took  it  from  him,  God  would  chastise  them,  as  He  did:  for 
they  had  no  sooner  put  their  hands  upon  him  to  draw  it  from  his 
neck,  than  the  sky,  before  this  serene,  gprew  cloudy  and  sent  so 
many  flashes  of  lightnmg  and  tempests,  that  they  believed  the 
last  day  had  come,  and  fled  into  their  huts  leaving  their  prisoner 
there,  who  rose  and  fled  like  the  others  but  in  another  direc- 
tion.   .     .    . 

Finally  this  fortunate  Brul6  was  later  condemned  to  death  and 
eaten  by  the  Hurons,  to  whom  he  had  so  long  served  as  Inter- 
preter, and  all  for  a  hatred  which  they  had  conceived  against  him 
for  I  do  not  know  what  fault  which  he  had  committed  with  re- 
spect to  them. 

He  had  dwelt  with  them  a  great  many  years,  lived  almost  as 
they  did,  and  served  as  Interpreter  to  the  French,  and  after  all 


I70  APPENDIX. 

that,  he  had  gained  for  all  recompense  only  a  painful  death  and 
a  sad  and  unfortunate  end;  I  pray  God  to  have  mercy  on  him,  if 
it  pleases  Him,  and  to  have  pity  on  his  soul. 


lis  m'ont  monstr6  phisieurs  rochers  sur  le  chemin  de  Kebec, 
ausquels  ils  croyeut  presider  quelque  esprit,  et  entr'autres,  ils  me 
monstrerent  un  k  quelque  150  lieues  de  \k,  qui  avoit  une  profonde 
caverne  de  tres-diffic.Ue  acc6s.  lis  me  voulaient  persuader  et 
faire  croire  k  toute  force  avec  eux,  que  ce  rocher  avait  este  autre- 
fois homme  mortel  cornme  nous  et  qu'eslevant  les  bras  et  les 
mains  en  haut,  il  s'estait  metamorphosd  en  cette  pierre  et  devenu 
k  succession  de  temps  nv  si  puissant  rocher,  lequels  ils  ont  en 
veneration  et  lui  oftrent  viu  petun  en  passant  par  devant  avec 
leurs  canots,  non  toutes  les  fois,  mais  quand  ils  doutent  que  leur 
voyage  doive  renssir;  et  lu;  ofiErant  ce  petun  qu'ils  jettent  dans 
I'eau  contre  ia  roche  mSme,  ils  lui  disent  tien  prend  courage  et 
fai  que  nous  ayons  bon  voyage,  avec  quelques  autres  paroles  que 
je  n'entends  point,  et  le  Truchement  Brusl6  duquel  nous  avons 
parl6  au  chapitre  precedant  noufe  dit  (k  la  confusion)  d'auoir  une 
fois  fait  pareille  oflErande  avec  eux  (de  quoy  nous  le  tanc^mes 
fort)  et  que  son  voyage  lui  fut  plrs  profitable  qu'aucuns  autres 
qu'il  ait  jamais  faict  en  tous  ces  pa'is-1^. — p.  456. 

[Translation.] 

They  showed  me  several  rocks  or  the  road  to  Quebec,  over 
■which  they  believe  some  spirit  presides,  and  among  others  they 
showed  rae  one  at  about  150  leagues  from  there,  which  had  a  deep 
cavern  very  difficult  of  access.  They  wished  to  persuade  me 
into  believing  absolutely  with  them  that  this  rock  had  been  for- 
merly a  mortal  man  like  us,  and  that  raisirg  his  arms  and  hands 
on  high  he  had  been  transformed  into  this  stone  and  become  in 
the  course  of  time  so  powerful  a  rock,  which  they  hold  in  venera- 
tion and  offer  to  it  tobacco  in  passing  before  i,^  with  their  canoes, 
not  every  time,  but  when  they  are  doubtful  of  their  voyage  being 
successful ;  and  when  oflfering  this  tobacco  which  they  throw  into 
the  water  against  the  rock  itself,  they  say  to  :t:  Hear!  Take 
courage  and  give  us  a  good  voyage,  with  some  other  words  which 
I  do  not  understand,  and  the  Interpreter  Brul6,  of  whom  we 
spoke  in  the  preceding  chapter,  told  us  (to  our  confusion)  that  he 
once  made  a  similar  offering  with  them  (for  which  we  rebuked 
him  severely)  and  that  his  voyage  was  more  profitable  to  him 
than  any  others  which  he  had  ever  made  in  all  these  regions. 


APPENDIX.  171 

Le  Trucheraent  Bmsl6  avec  quelques  Sauvages  nous  ont  as- 
seur6  qu'au  dela  de  la  mer  douce,  il  y  a  un  autre  grandissime  lac, 
qui  se  descharge  dans  icelle  par  une  cheute  d'eau  que  Ton  a  sur- 
nomta6  le  Saut  de  Gaston,  ayant  prfes  de  deux  lieues  de  large, 
lequel  lac  avec  la  mer  douce  contiennent  environ  trente  journees 
de  canots  selon  le  rapport  des  Sauvages  et  du  trucheraent  quatre 
cent  lieues  de  longueur. — p.  589. 

[Translation.] 

The  Interpreter  Brul6  with  some  Savages  assured  us  that  be- 
yond the  fresh  sea  there  is  another  very  large  lake,  which  empties 
into  this  one  by  a  waterfall  named  the  Saut  de  Gaston,  being 
nearly  two  leagues  wide,  which  lake  with  the  fresh  sea  contains 
about  thirty  days'  journey  by  canoe  according  to  the  statement 
of  the  Savages,  and  of  the  interpreter  four  hundred  leagues  in 
length. 


[f] 

Premierement  il  y  a  quantitd  de  pelleteries  de  diverses  especes 
d'animaux  terrestres  &  amphibies,  comme  vous  avez  pfi  reraar- 
quer  dans  le  chapitre  qui  traitte  des  animaux  terrestres  &  aqua- 
tiques.  II  y  a  des  mines  de  cuiure  desquelles  on  pourroit  tirer  du 
profit,  s'il  y  avoit  du  monde  &  des  ouvriers  qui  a  voulussent  tra- 
vailler  fidellement,  ce  qui  se  pourroit  faire,  si  on  y  avoit  estably 
des  Collonnies:  car  environ  80.  ou  100.  lieues  des  Hurons,  il  y  a 
une  mine  de  cuyure  rouge,  de  laquelle  le  Trucheraent  Brusl6  rae 
monstra  un  lingot  au  retour  d'un  voyage  qu'il  fit  k  la  nation 
voisine  avec  un  norara6  GrenoUe. —  p.  716. 

[Translation.] 

In  the  first  place  there  are  a  quantity  of  furs  of  different 
species  of  terrestrial  and  amphibious  animals,  as  you  have  been 
able  to  observe  in  the  chapter  which  treats  of  the  terrestrial  and 
aquatic  animals.  There  are  copper  raines  frora  which  ranch 
profit  might  be  drawn  if  there  were  people  and  workmen  who 
would  be  willing  to  work  faithfully,  which  could  be  done  if  col- 
onies were  established  there:  for  about  80  or  100  leagues  from 
the  Hurons  there  is  a  mine  of  red  copper  from  which  the  Inter- 
preter Brul€  showed  me  an  ingot,  on  his  return  from  a  journey 
which  he  made  to  the  neighboring  people,  with  a  man  named 
GrenoUe. 


tfi  APPENDIX. 

[g] 

De  \k  nous  allames  cabaner  k  la  petite  nation  que  nos  Hurons 
appellent  Queunontateronons — Le  Truchement  Brusl6,  qui  s'es- 
tant  1^  venu  cabaner  avec  nous,  traicta  un  chien  duquel  nous 
iismes  festin  le  Itndemain  matin  en  compagnie  de  quelques  Fran- 
Sois;  puis  nous  partimes  encore. — p.  751. 

[Translation.] 

From  there  we  went  to  live  in  huts  among  the  little  nation 
which  our  Hurons  call  Queunontateronons.  The  Interpreter 
Brul6,  who  being  there,  came  to  live  in  our  hut  with  us,  obtained 
a  dog  on  which  we  made  a  feast  on  the  following  morning  in 
company  with  several  Frenchmen ;  then  we  set  out  again. 


[h] 

Nous  avions  est^  fort  mal  couchez  la  nuict  pass6e  (k  Saut  S. 
Louis)  mais  nous  ne  fumes  pas  mieux  la  suivante,  car  il  nous  la 
fallut  passer  k  deuK  lieues  du  Cap  de  Victoire,  sous  un  arbre  bien 
peu  k  converts  des  pluyes,  qui  durerent  jusques  au  dit  Cap  ou 
desja  estoit  arriv6  depuis  deux  jours  le  Truchement  Brusl6,  avec 
deux  ou  trois  canots  Hurons,  duquel  j'appris  la  deffense  que  les 
Montaig^ais  et  Algoumequins  leur  avaient  faites  de  passer  outre, 
voulant  k  toute  force  qu'ils  attendissent  1^  avec  eux  les  barques 
de  la  traicte,  et  qu'ayant  pens6  leur  resister  ils  s'estaient  mis  en 
hazard  d'estre  tous  assommez,  particulierement  luy  Truchement 
Brusl6  qui  en  avait  est6  pour  son  sac  k  petun  et  craignait  encore 
un  autre  plus  mauvais  party,  s'y  on  n'y  apportait  quelque  remede. 

Je  troavai  ce  proc6d^  fort  mauvais  et  en  fis  quelques  repro- 
ches  k  ces  mut'ns,  qui  me  dirent  p6ur  excuse  que  si  personne  ne 
descendait,  les  barques  seraient  contrainctes  de  les  venir  trouver, 
sans  avoir  la  peine  de  trainer  leurs  femmes  et  leurs  enfants  jus- 
ques k  Kebec,  ou  il  n'y  avait  de  quoy  disner  pour  eux.  Je  leur 
dis  que  j'y  avals  necessairement  affaire  et  que  je  desirais  y  des- 
cendre  que  pour  eux  qu'ils  en  fissent  comme  ils  voudroient. 
Cette  resolution  ne  les  contenta  pas  beaucoup,  neantmoins  ils  ne 
voulurent  pas  me  violenter  comme  ils  avaient  faict  le  Truche- 
ment, mais  ils  trouverent  une  autre  invention  plus  favorable 
pour  intimider  nos  Hurons  et  tirer  d'eux  quelque  petit  present. 

lis  firent  done  semer  un  faux  bruit  qu'ils  venoient  de  recevoir 
vingt  colliers  de  pourcelaine  des  Ignierhonons  (ennemis  mortels 
des  Hurons)  k  la  charge  de  les  envoyer  advertir  k  I'instant  de  I'ar- 
riv6e  desdits  Hurons,  pour  les  venir  tous  mettre  k  mort  et  qu'en 
bref  ils  seraient  icy. 


APPENDIX.  173 

Nos  gens  vainement  espouventez  de  cette  mauvaise  nouvelle 
tindrent  conseil  14-dessus,  un  peu  k  I'^art  dans  le  bcis  ou  je  fus 
append  avec  le  Truchement,  qui  estait  d'aussi  leg^re  croyance 
qu'eux  et  cotizerent  tous,  qui  de  rets,  qui  de  petun,  farine  et 
autres  choses,  qu'ils  donnerent  aux  capitaines  des  Montagnais  et 
Algoumequins  pour  estre  protegez  contre  leurs  ennemis.    .    .    . 

Pour  suivre  le  dessein  que  j'avais  de  partir  du  Cap  de  Victoire 
pour  Kebec,  nonobstant  la  contradiction  de  nos  Algoumequins  et 
Montagnais,  je  fis  jetter  notre  canot  en  i'eau  d^s  le  lendemain  de 
grand  matin,  que  tout  le  monde  dormoit  encore  et  n'esveillay 
que  le  Truchement  pour  me  suivre,    ...    p.  752. 

[Translation.] 

We  had  had  a  very  bad  sleeping  place  the  past  night  (at  Saut 
S.  Louis)  but  we  were  not  better  oflE  the  following,  for  we  had  to 
pass  it  within  two  leagues  of  Cape  Victory,  under  a  tree  very 
little  sheltered  from  the  rains  which  lasted  up  to  the  said  Cape, 
where  already  the  Interpreter  Brul6  had  arrived  two  days  before 
with  two  or  three  Huron  canoes,  from  whom  I  learned  that  the 
Montaignais  and  Algoumequins  had  forbidden  them  to  pass  be- 
yond, desiring  at  all  costs  that  they  would  await  there  with  them 
the  boats  for  the  journey,  and  that  having  thought  of  resisting 
them  they  had  put  themselves  in  danger  of  all  being  killed,  par- 
ticularly the  Interpreter  Brule  who  had  been  in  danger  on 
account  of  his  bag  of  tobacco,  and  who  feared  a  still  worse  con- 
dition, if  some  remedy  were  not  applied. 

I  found  this  proceeding  very  bad,  and  made  some  reproaches 
to  these  mutineers,  who  said  to  me  in  excuse  that  if  no  one 
descended,  the  boats  would  be  forced  to  come  to  find  them,  with- 
out their  having  the  trouble  of  dragging  their  wives  and  children 
to  Quebec  where  there  was  nothing  for  them  to  eat.  I  told  them 
that  I  had  business  there  and  desired  to  descend,  and  that  for 
them  they  could  do  as  they  wished.  This  resolution  did  not 
much  content  them,  nevertheless  they  did  not  wish  to  do  violence 
to  me  as  they  had  done  to  the  Interpreter,  but  they  found  an- 
other contrivance  more  favorable  for  intimidating  our  Hurons 
and  getting  from  them  some  little  gift. 

They  caused  a  false  report  to  be  spread  that  they  had  just  re- 
ceived twenty  porcelain  necklaces  from  the  Ignierhonons,  (mortal 
enemies  of  the  Hurons),  on  condition  that  they  would  send  to 
inform  them  immediately  of  the  arrival  of  the  said  Hurons,  that 
they  might  come  to  put  them  all  to  death,  and  that  in  short  they 
would  be  here. 

Our  people,  uselessly  terrified  by  this  bad  news,  held  council 


174  APPENDIX. 

thereupon  a  little  apart  in  the  woods,  where  I  was  called  with 
the  Interpreter,  who  was  as  ready  of  belief  as  they,  and  they 
assessed  all,  nets,  tobacco,  flour  and  other  things,  which  they 
gave  to  the  captains  of  the  Montagnais  and  Algoumequins  to  be 
protected  again  sl  their  enemies.    .    .    . 

In  order  to  follow  out  the  plan  which  I  had  of  departing  from 
Cape  Viccory  for  Quebec,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  our 
Algoumequins  and  Montagnais,  I  had  our  canoe  thrown  down 
into  the  water  very  early  the  next  day  while  everybody  was  still 
asleep,  and  awakened  only  the  Interpreter  to  follow  me.    .    .    . 


INDEX. 


Accomack  Indians,  84. 

"  Adoresetouy, "  Seneca  name 

for  the  French,  91. 
Algonquins,  10,  13,  16,  26,  28, 

33.  44.  85,  104,  122,  127,  140, 

161,  166. 
Algoumequins     (Algonquins), 

173.  174- 
AUumette  Island,  27,  129. 
Amantacha,  a  Huron,  119,  122. 
Andastes,  149,  153. 
Anthropological     Society     of 

Washington,  D.  C,  148. 
Antouhonorons     (Gnondagas), 

38,  59- 
Atchiligoiian  Indians,  105. 
Atlantic  Ocean,  81,  85. 
Attigouautans  (Hurons),32,i32, 

133- 

**  Atinouaentans,"  95. 

Attiwandaronks  (Neuter  Na- 
tion), 148. 

Attiwandarons  (Neutrals),  50, 
60,  III. 

"  Axacan,"  69. 

Baillif,  166. 

Beaver  Indians,  105,  106,  155. 

Block,  Adrian,  77. 

Br6beuf,  John  de,  no,  112,  114, 
123. 

BrefRicit  (Cartier's)  gives  par- 
ticulars of  ulterior  regions, 
loi,  102. 

Bressani,  Father,  166. 

Brul£,    Stephen,  bom    about 


1592,  in  Champigjny,  France, 
12;  came  to  New  France  in 
1608,  with  Champlain,  ibid.; 
was  one  of  Quebec's  original 
inhabitants,  13;  taken,  in 
1610,  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  by 
Champlain,  z^ii/./  was  proba- 
bly in  the  battle  of  June  19th 
(see  frontispiece),  when  the 
Iroquois  were  defeated,  14; 
seized  with  a  desire  to  go 
with  the  Hurons  to  their 
country,  ibid.;  starts  upon  his 
journey,  18;  returns  the  next 
year  (1611)  to  the  St.  Law- 
rence, 19;  meets  Champlain 
at  Lachine  rapids,  ibid.;  re- 
lates to  him  what  he  had  seen 
in  the  Huron  country,  20; 
was  the  first  European  to 
visit  Lake  Huror,  ibid,;  made 
the  first  exploiation  of  the 
Province  of  Ontario,  21 ;  acts 
for  the  first  time  as  interpret- 
er for  Indians,  22;  was  the 
first  white  person  to  descend 
Lachine  rapids,  24;  lives, 
probably,  from  July,  1611,  to 
July,  1 61 5,  among  Algon- 
quins, 25 ;  accompanying 
Champlain  and,  acting  as  his 
interpreter,  he  again  goes  to 
the  Huron  country,  31  et 
seq,;  permitted  by  Champlain 
to  go  to  the  country  of  the 
Carantouannais  with  twelve 


176 


INDEX. 


Indians  of  that  nation,  43; 
starts,  Sept.  8th,  for  Caran- 
touan,  their  principal  village, 
47 ;  his  journey  thither,  49  et 
seq,;  on  his  way  assists  his 
savage  companions  to  attack 
and  defeat  a  party  of  Senecas, 
52;  reaches  Carantouan,  on 
the  upper  waters  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna, in  safety,  52 ;  was 
the  first  white  person  to  trav- 
erse any  portion  of  Western 
New  York,  ibid.;  welcomed 
with  great  joy  at  Carantouan, 
53;  goes,  with  five  hundred 
Carantouannais,  to  the  Onon- 
daga country  to  assist  Cham- 
plain  and  the  Hurons,  54; 
reaches  the  vicinity  of  the 
Onondaga  stronghold  too  late 
to  aid  them,  63 ;  returns  with 
the  Carantouannais  to  Caran- 
touan, ibid.;  explores,  in  the 
winter  of  1615-16,  the  Sus- 
quehanna and  Chesapeake 
country  to  the  ocean,  65  et 
seq.;  returns  in  the  spring 
of  1616  to  Carantouan,  86; 
was  the  first  European  to  ex- 
plore what  is  now  Pennsyl- 
vania, ibid.;  starts  with  five 
or  six  Carantouannais  for 
the  Huron  villages,  87;  is 
attacked  by  Seneca  Indians 
and  runs  for  his  life,  ibid,; 
hopelessly  and  alone,  he 
wanders  about,  88 ;  in  danger 
of  starvation,  he  surrenders 
to  three  Senecas,  89;  is  led 
to  their  village  and  ques- 
tioned, 91 ;  is  terribly  scourg- 
ed, ibid.;  is  astonishingly  de- 
livered from  torture  by  the 
coming   on   of    a    thunder- 


storm, 92;  is  unbound  by  a 
Seneca  chief  and  treated 
kindly,  93;  again  starts  for 
the  Huron  villages,  this  time 
escorted  four  days  on  his  way 
by  Senecas,  94;  reaches  the 
Huron  villages  and  finds  that 
Champlain  had  started  back 
to  the  St.  Lawrence,  95 ;  rests 
for  a  considerable  time  with 
his  Huron  friends,  ibid.;  re- 
turns, in  the  summer  of  161 8, 
to  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  on 
July  7th  meets  Champlain  at 
Three  Rivers,  96;  relates  to 
his  patron  all  the  circum- 
stances of  his  journey  to 
Carantouan  and  the  Atlantic 
ocean,  and  gives  him  the  par- 
ticulars of  his  return,  ibid.;  is 
urged  by  Champlain  to  un- 
dertake further  explorations, 
97;  consents  to  go  again  to 
the  Western  wilderness,  ibid. ; 
turns  his  canoe  to  the  north- 
ward after  reaching  the 
Georgian  bay  of  Lake  Huron, 
99;  proceeding  as  far  as  the 
North  Channel,  he  rests 
among  the  Beaver  Indians 
for  the  winter,  100;  returns, 
in  the  summer  of  1620,  to 
the  St.  Lawrence,  ibid.;  pro- 
ceeds to  the  Huron  country 
in  1621,  and,  with  one  Gre- 
noUe,  goes  to  the  northward, 
ibid.;  reaches  the  "Sault  de 
Ste.  Marie,"  106;  finds,  there, 
ancestors  of  the  present 
Chippewas,  107 ;  discovers 
Lake  Superior,  107  et  seq.; 
goes,  probably,  along  its 
north  shore  to  the  head  of 
the    lake,    108;    visits    Isle 


INDEX. 


177 


Royale  in  returning,  ibid.; 
after  reaching  Quebec  in 
July,  1623,  he  again  journeys 
to  the  Huron  country,  but  ac- 
companies, the  next  year, 
some  Hurons  to  the  St.  Law- 
rence, ibid.;  goes  back,  in 
1625,  to  the  homes  of  those 
savages,  no;  makes  an  ex- 
ploring tour  thence  to  the 
Neutral  nation,  in;  remains 
there  until  the  next  spring, 
112;  returns  to  the  St.  Law- 
rence the  same  year,  ibid.; 
in  1627,  again  visits  the  Hu- 
rons in  their  villages,  return- 
ing the  next  year  to  Quebec, 
117;  acts  as  pilot  for  the  En- 
glish vessels  when,  in  1629, 
Quebec  surrendered  to  Kirk, 
118;  again  journeys  (and  fo: 
the  last  time)  to  the  Huron 
country,  119;  gave  himself, 
upon  his  arrival  there,  wholly 
to  savage  life,  120;  in  1632, 
was  killed,  at  Toanch6,  by 
the  Hurons  and  eaten  by 
them,  ibid.;  his  death  causes, 
subsequently,  gfreat  terror  to 
the  Hurons,  123;  critical 
notes  on  his  discoveries,  ex- 
plorations and  adventures, 
128,  129,  130,  131,  138,  139, 
140,  141,  142,  147.  150,  151, 
152.  153.  154.  155.  156,  157. 
I58>  i59i  160,  161,  162,  165, 
166. 

Cabot,  John,  in  1797,  reaches  the 
North  American  continent,  i. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  explores  east- 
em  coast  of  North  America 
in  1798,  from  Labrador  to 
Virginia,  i. 


Cahiagfu^,  a  Huron  town,   34, 

35,  59.  90.  133- 

Cannibalism  among  the  Hu- 
rons, 120;  in  North  America, 
166. 

Canningoes  (Mohawks),  148. 

Carantouannais  (Andastes),  22, 
37.  38,  39.  40,  41.  42,  43.  48, 
51.  52,  53.  54.  56,  58,  63,  64, 
65,  68,  79,  81,  82,  85,  87,  88, 
90,  132,  136,  141.  148,  150, 
152,  153,  162. 

Carantouan,  chief  town  of  the 
Carantouannais,  37,  38, 47,  50, 
51.  53.  62,  63,  64,  65.  79,  80, 
81,  82,  86,  87,  88,  90,  in,  135, 
143.  150,  153. 

Carantowans(Carantouannais), 
148. 

Carhagouha,  a  Huron  village, 

34. 
Cartier,  James,  3,  4,  5,  6,  101, 

102,  129,  138,  139. 
Cartier  to  Frontenac  (Winsor) 

cited,  6,  21,  59,  62,  104,  107, 

119,  126,  128,  135,  138,   140, 

141,  143.  157.  159- 

"  Castle  Island,"  a  Dutch  trad- 
ing post,  78. 

"Cats"  (Eries),  50,  148. 

Cayuga  Indians,  36,  39,  148. 

Champlain,  Samuel,  sent,  in 
1603,  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  7; 
his  previous  history,  ibid,; 
ascends  the  St  Lawrence  to 
Hochelaga  (Montreal)  island, 
8 ;  gains  some  knowledge  of 
the  Great  Lakes  and  Niagara 
falls,  ibid.;  returns  to  France, 
9;  in  1608,  sails  again  for 
New  France,  10;  made  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  Canada, 
ibid.;  begins  the  settlement 
of  Quebec,  ibid.;  joins  the 


178 


INDEX. 


Algonquins  and  Montagnais 
on  an  expedition  against  the 
Iroquois,  and  discovers  Lake 
Champlain,  ii;  defeats  the 
savage  enemy,  ibid.:  on 
June  19th,  1610,  with  Indian 
allies,  again  attacks  and  de- 
feats the  Iroquois,  14;  sends 
Stephen  Brul6,  his  servant, 
to  the  Huron  country,  15  ^/ 
seq,;  sails  again  (Aug.  i8th, 
1610)  for  France,  i8;  returns 
in  May,  161 1,  to  Canada, 
ibid.;  establishes  a  trading- 
post  on  Montreal  ii^land,  19; 
greets  Brul6  at  Lachine 
rapids  on  return  of  the  latter 
from  the  Hurons,  ibid.; 
makes  inquiri«»s  of  the  Hu- 
rons concerning  their  coun- 
Lry,  22 ;  his  policy  in  sending 
young  men  among  the  sav- 
ages to  become  interpreters, 
24;  in  1611,  goes  back  to 
France,  26;  in  1613,  sails  for 
the  St.  Lawrence,  27;  ascends 
the  Ottawa  in  a  vain  attempt 
to  discover  the  North  Sea, 
ibid.;  having  returned  to 
France,  he  again  sets  sail, 
and,  on  May  15th,  1615, 
reaches  Quebec,  29;  goes 
thence  to  the  country  of 
the  Hurons  to  aid  them 
against  the  Iroquois,  29  et 
seq.;  on  the  17th  of  August, 
161 5,  reaches  the  principal 
Huron  town,  35 ;  hears  of  the 
Carantouannais,  allies  of  the 
Hurons,  40 ;  learns  from  some 
ambassadors  of  that  nation  of 
their  country  on  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Susquehanna, 
41;   sends   Brul6,   who   had 


accompanied  him  to  the  Hu- 
rons, with  the  ambassadors 
on  their  return,  43 ;  instructs 
Brul6  to  urge  the  Carantou- 
annais to  move  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Hurons,  ibid.; 
marches  with  Huron  and 
other  savages  against  the 
principal  Onondaga  village, 
44;  reaches,  early  in  Octo- 
ber, 1615,  the  Onondaga 
stronghold  and  invests  it,  46 ; 
attacks  the  Iroquois  fort  and 
fails  to  capture  it,  54  et  seq,; 
returns  with  his  savages  to 
the  Huron  country,  59 ;  visits 
the  Tobacco  nation,  and  the 
Cheveux  Relev6s,  60 ;  arrives 
July  nth,  1616,  at  Quebec,  62; 
hears  of  Brul6,  his  interpret- 
er, before  starting  for  the  St 
Lawrence,  90 ;  meets  Brul6  at 
Three  Rivers,  July  7th,  1618, 
and  hears  the  story  of  the 
strange  adventures  of  the  lat- 
ter, 96;  in  1627,  becomes  a 
member  of  the  Company  of 
New  France  (the  "Hundred 
Associates  "),  115 ;  refuses,  in 
1628,  to  surrender  Quebec  to 
the  English,  116;  obliged  to 
capitulate  the  next  year,  118; 
conveyed  a  prisoner  to  Eng- 
land, but  soon  released,  ibid.; 
again  clothed  with  authority 
in  Canada,  121;  of  his  pub- 
lished works,  125. 

Charioquois  (Hurons),  23, 131. 

Chaudiere  (City  of  Ottawa),  108. 

Chesapeake  bay,  67,  68,  69,  70, 
76,  81,  84,  85,  87, 144.  145.  I47i 
157.  158. 

Cheveux  Relev6s  Indians,  33, 
60,  100,  III,  163. 


INDEX. 


179 


Chippewas,  107. 

"  Chisapeack  "     (Chesapeake), 

bay  of,  69. 
ChouontouaroiioD,      identical 

with  the  Seneca  Indians,  40, 

43.  133- 
Christiansen,  Henry,  77,  78. 
Clark,  Gen.  John  S.,  132,  135. 
Company  of  New  France,  114, 

116. 
Conestoga  creek,  82. 
Conestogas,  150. 
Conewago  Falls,  83,  144,  145. 
Conquest  of  Canada  (Warbur- 

ton)  cited,  62,  119. 
Copper  and  copper  mines  in 

the  Lake  Superior  region,  5, 

15,  102,  103,  130,  155,  156,  158, 

159- 
Cortereal,  Caspar,  voyage  of,  i. 
Crenole  (GrenoUe),  106,  167. 

Daillon,  Joseph  de  la  Roche,  a 

Franciscan  priest,   112,   113, 

114,  138,  163,  164. 
De  Caen,  Emery,  no,  114,  119. 
De  Caen,  William,  no,  114. 
De  Chastes  (Amyn),  7. 
De  la  Roche,  Francis,  Lord  of 

Roberval,  see  Roberval. 
Delaware  river,  79,  81. 
De  Monts,  Sieur,  9,  15,  18. 
De   None,  Jesuit   missionary, 

112,  114. 
Des    Saw  ages,    Champlain's 

first.'publication,  125. 
Dinondadies  (Tobacco  nation), 

148. 
Documents   Relating   to  the 

Colonial  History  of  the  State 

of  New  York  (O'Callaghan) 

cited,  79,  130. 
•'  Dotted  line  "  on  Champlain's 

Map  of  1632,  40,  143. 


Drummond  island  discovered 
by  Brul6,  105. 

Early    Chapters   of   Cayuga 

History  (Hawley)  cited,  132. 
Early    Missions  in    Western 

Canada  (Harris)  cited,    51, 

113, 114,  157,  160,  164. 
Entouhonorons  identical  with 

the  Onondagas,   36,  37,    38. 

133.  151- 

Erie,  city  of,  143. 

Eries,  50,  51,  141,  142,  148,  149. 

Evening  fournal,  The  (Ot- 
tawa), cited,  16,  18,  52,  129, 
153- 

Five  Nation  Indians  (Iroquois), 
10,  29,  36,  133.  U7.  148,  150. 

FoUes  Avoines  (Menomonees), 
157.  161. 

"  Fort  Nassau,"  small  Dutch 
post,  78,  79. 

"Fresh  Sea"  (Lake  Huron), 
see  Mer  Douce. 

"  Freshwater  Sea  "  (Lake  Hu- 
ron), 140. 

Gandastogues  (Andastes),  149.    .' 
Geddes,  George,  135. 
Ginerall  Historie  of  Virginia 
(Smith),  cited,  71,  84, 142, 144, 

145- 
Gens  de  Feu  (Mascoutins),  163. 
Georgian  bay,  20,  32,  33,  49,  62, 

85.  96.  99.  104.  138,  158. 
"Good Iroquois"  (Hurons),i29. 
Grand  Detour,  51,  76,  143. 
' '  Grand  Lac ' '  (Lake  Superior),    *■" 

103.  155- 
Genesee  river,  90,  94,  148. 
Grav6,  Francis,  see  Pontgrav6. 
Great  Manitoulin  island,   loi, 

105,  161. 


i8o 


INDEX. 


Green  bay,  159,  160,  161. 
Grenolle,  a  companion  of  Brul6, 

100,  104,   106,  112,  114,   158, 

159,  160,  163. 
Guss,  Prof.  A.  L.,  38,  73,  82,  84, 

145,  146,  148. 
Gomez,  Stephen,  68. 

Harris,  Very  Rev.  W.  R.,  51, 

113,  114,  157,  160,  164. 
Hertel,  18,  130. 
Histoirede  la  Nouvelie  France 

(Lescarbot)   cited,    137,    139, 

142. 
Histoiredu  Canada  (History  of 

Canada — Sagard)  cited,  26, 

91,  92,  106,  107,  131,  167  et 

seq. 
History  of  Canada  (Gameau), 

114,  140. 

History  of  Canada  (Kings- 
ford)  cited,  98,  126,  137,  141, 
163. 

History  of  Canada  (MacMul- 
len)  cited,  loi. 

History  of  Canada  (Smith) 
cited,  118. 

History  of  the  Early  Missions 
in  Western  Canada  (Harris) 
cited,  51,  113,  114,  157,  160, 
164. 

History  of  Maryland  (Sharf) 
cited,  68,  69,  145. 

History  of  New  France  (Char- 
levoix —  Shea's  translation) 
cited,  118,  126. 

Historical  Register,  7'-4^,cited, 
38,  69.  73,  83,  84,  146,  148. 

History  of  the  City  of  New 
York  (Lamb)  cited,  77,  78. 

History  of  the  Discovery  of  the 
Northwest,  by  fohn  Nicole t, 
in  1634  (Butterfield)  cited,  62, 
89,  105,  106,  114,  119,  161. 


History  of  the  State  of  New 

York  (Brodhead)  cited,  78,  79.    ' 
Hochelaga,  island  of,  4,  loi. 
Hudson,  Henry,  68,  76,  79. 
Humber  river,  48,  49,  143. 
Hundred  Associates,   115,  116, 

"7. 
Hurons,  10,  15,  16,  20,  32,  33, 

30.  34.  36.  37.  39.  40,  4a,  44. 
60,  63,  90,  94,  95,  96,  97,  I03, 
104,  105,  106,  109,  no,  III, 
113,  114,  I30,  121,  126,  137, 
139,  130,  138,  148,  149.  150, 
155,   166,   167,   168,   169,    172, 

173- 
Huron-Iroquois,  129. 

Iroquet,  an  Algonquin  Indian 
chief,  15,  16,  19,  33,  46,   139, 

130,  131. 
Iroquois,  10,  13,  39,  30,  36,  51, 

88,  94,  95,  126,  129,  142,  143, 

148,  154.  163- 
Isle  des  AUumettes,  27. 
Isle  Royale,  108,  159. 

Jesuits    in    North    America 

(Parkman)    cited,    132,    143, 

165. 
Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied 

Documents  (Thwaites)  cited, 

6,  120. 

"  Kebec,"  signification  of  the 

word,  see  "  Quebec." 
Kingsford,    William,    98,    126, 

137,  141,  163. 
"  Kirke,"   "  Kirtk,"  and  other 

synonyms  of  Admiral  Kirk's 

name,  116. 
Kirk,  Lewis,  117. 
Kirk,  Admiral  David,  116,  117, 

118. 
Kirk,  Thomas,  117. 


INDEX. 


I8l 


"  Kuscarawaocks  "  (Nanticoke 
Indians),  84. 

Lachine  rapids,  6,  8,  19,  23,  34, 

27,  100.  131. 
Lake  Champlain,  129,  140. 
Lake  Couchiching,  35,  52,  134. 
Lake  Erie,  5,  8,  50,  76,  140,  143, 

148,  158. 
Lake  Huron,  5,  8,   15,  20,  96, 

TOO,  loi.   III,   130,    138,    139, 

»40,  155.  156,  157,  158,  159- 
Lake  Michigan,  8,  158,  159,  i6i. 
Lake  Nipissing,  20,  26,  32,  44, 

62,  100,  127,  130,  140. 
Lake    of    the     Entouhonorons 

(Ontario),  163. 
Lake  Onondaga,  46,  135. 
Lake  Ontario,   5,  8,  44,  45,  46, 

48,  49.  59.  76.   "I.   130,   133. 

135.   138,    139.   140,   141.   143. 

164. 

Lake  Simcoe,  48,  49,  52,  62,  63, 

"9.  133.  134.  138,  140,  143- 
Lake  St.  Clair,  8. 
Lake  St.  Louis  (Ontario),  137, 
Lake  St.  Peter,  129,  130,  140. 
Lake    Superior,    5,  8,  60,   loi, 

102,    130,    155,   157,   158,  159, 

162, 163 ;  discovered  by  Brul6, 

99,  107  ef  seq.,  154  et  seq. 
Lake  Two  Mountains,  23,  131. 
Lake  Winnebago,  159, 
Lamb,  Martha  J.,  77,  78. 
La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of 

the  Great  West  (Parkman) 

cited,  49. 
Laval6e,    companion  of    Gre- 

noUe,  112,  113. 
Laverdifere,  C.  H.,  16,  125,  126. 
Le  Caron,  Father  Joseph,  30, 

31.  34.  35.  "2.  "4.  139- 
Le  Clercq,  R^coUet  writer,  55, 
134. 


"  Little  Nation"  (Algonquins), 

122,  172. 
"  Louis  de  Sainte  Foi  "  (Aman- 

tacha),  119. 

Magazine  of  American  His- 
tory,   The,    cited,    126,    135, 

136.  137- 

Magazine  of  Western  His- 
tory, The,  cited,  160. 

Manhattan  island,  42,  77,  78. 

Map  of  i6i2  (Charaplain's),  140. 

Map  of  1632  (Champlain's),  38, 
42,  50,  81,  132,  137,  138,  143, 
147.  158,  159- 

MapofVirginia  (Smith),  71, 145. 

Marguerie,  18,  130. 

Marshall,  O.   H.,  62,   126,  132, 

135.  136.  137.  138. 
Margry,  Pierre,  126. 
Marquez,  Pedro  Menendez,  69. 
Marsolet,  Nicholas,  18, 118, 130, 

152,  166. 
Massawomeks    (Iroquois),    70, 

71.  72.  73.  75.  82. 
Mascoutins,  155. 
Matchedash  bay,  33. 
Matta wan  river,  32,  130. 
Melange    D'Histoire    et   de 

Littirature     (Suite)     cited, 

137- 

Merchants  of  France,  a  com- 
pany of,  formed  in  1603,  to 
prosecute  Canadian  enter- 
prise, 7. 

"Mer  Douce"  (Fresh  Sea- 
Lake  Huron),  32,  104,  140, 
155. 159. 160, 161,  162,  163. 

Minquas  (Southern  Iroquois), 
79.  150. 

Mocosa,  ancient  name  of  Vir- 
ginia, 137. 

Mohawk,  Indians,  36,  39,  78,  79, 
148. 


1 82 


INDEX. 


Mohican  Indians,  78. 
Montreal,  4,  63,  158. 
Montreal,  island  of.  discovered 

by  Cartier,  4;  in  1603,  wi'iout 

inhabitants,  139. 
Montagnais,  10,  n,  14,  137. 
"Mont  Royale,"  4,  140. 

Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory of  America  (Winsor) 
cited,  6,  30,  63,  68,  119,  135, 
147,  164. 

Nation  du  Petun  (Tobacco 
nation),  60,  ii3,  148,  149,  165. 

"  Nation  de  I'Isle,"  133. 

Neill,  Rev.  Edward  D.,  147. 
158,  160. 

Neutrals,  49,  50,  51,  60,  100,  iii, 
lis,  113,  114,  148,  149,  163, 
164,  165. 

New  Amsterdam,  133. 

New  France,  i,  6,  is,  13.  78.  99. 
100,  114,  lib,  119. 

New  Netherland,  78. 

Niagara,    cataract    of,    8,    50, 

137.  138.  139.  MO- 
Niagara  river,  8,  49,  50,  51.  76. 

94,  III,  113,  143,  164. 
Nichols  Pond,  locality  of,  134, 

135- 
Nicolet,  John,  18,  99,  106,  130. 
"North  Sea,"  30,  100,  104,  154, 

155. 
Nipissing  Indians,  33,  44,  60. 
North  Channel  of  Lake  Huron, 

99, 100,  I03,  105,  155. 156.  157- 
Nottawassaga  bay,  33,  60. 

Ochastaiguins    (Ochatequins), 

136. 

Ochateguin,  a  Huron  chief,  19, 

136,  131. 
Ochateguins  (Hurons),  15,  136. 
"Ogehage"  (Minquas),  79. 


Oneida  Indians,  36,  39,  148. 
Oneida  lake,  45,  135,  136,  140. 
Oneida  river,  45. 
Onondaga  Indians,   36,  37,  38, 

39,  46,  54,  58,  59,  90,  148. 
Onondaga  town  (or  fort).   46, 

53.   59.   60.   80,  Si,   133.   >34. 

135.  136- 
Onojutta-Haga     Indians,     83, 

149. 

' '  Onontiogas  "  (Carantouan- 
nais),  133. 

Ontonogan  river,  136. 

Otis,  Charles  Pomeroy,  35,  31, 
63,  135,  136. 

Ottawa  river  first  heard  of  by 
Cartier,  4;  description  of, 
ibid,;  mentioned,  14.  30,  37, 
33.  33.  48,  63,  96,  97,  100,  130, 

155- 

Ottawa  Indians,  33. 

Otoiiacha,  a  Huron  town,  34. 

Otzinachson  Indians,  Ss,  149. 

Orleans,  island  of,  discovered, 
3;  above  it,  Quebec  is  com- 
menced by  Champlain,  12. 

"  Ouendat,"  see  "  Wendat." 

Ouasouarim  Indians,  105. 

Ouroisagai  Indians,  105,  106. 

Ounontisaston,  a  village  of  the 
Neutrals,  163,  164. 

Outchougai  Indians,  105. 

Ozinies,  84,  85. 

Parkman.  Francis,  12,  20,  34, 
30,  48,  49,  62,  81,  88,  91.  93. 
96,  98,  117,  119,  126,  131,  132, 
135,  138,  143,  146,  165. 

Patapsco  river,  70. 

Penetanguishene  bay,  129. 

Pennsylvania  Magazine  of 
History  and  Biography,  ex- 
tracts from,  52,  64,  95,  120, 
132.  135- 


INDEX. 


m 


"People  of  the  Falls"  ("Sau- 
teurs"),  107. 

Petun  nation,  see  Tobacco  na- 
tion. 

Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World  (Parkman)  cited,  la, 
ao,  30,  48,  63,  81,  88,  91,  93. 
96,  117,  119,  ia6,  128,  133,  135, 
138,  141,  147,  «66. 

Prince  Edward  Island  discov- 
ered by  Cartier,  2. 

Prince  Society  Publications  of 
Champlain's  Voyages,  cited, 
33.  25.  3».  38,  47.  62.  63,  68, 
X02,    104,   119,   125,   126,   127, 

135.    138.   I'^i.   143.   147.   150. 

151,  152,  158,  271,  274. 
Pontgrave,  7,  10,  30. 
Potomac  river,  70,  82,  146,  149. 
Powhatan,  74,  82. 
Puants   (Winnebago  Indians), 

159- 

Quebec,  8,  10,  12,  a6,  108,  114, 
116,  117,  118,  119,  130,  133, 
150,  1 66. 

"  Quebec,"  signification  of,  4. 

Quinte  bay,  134,  140. 

Rapids  of  St.  Louis  (Lachine 
rapids),  114. 

Raye,  Peter,  118,  152,  166. 

Relation  des  Hurons  cited, 
123,  166. 

Richelieu  river,  128,  140. 

"River  of  the  Hiroquois" 
(Niagara  river),  113. 

Riuiire  des  Puans  (Winne- 
bago, now  Fox  river  of 
Green  bay),  159. 

Roberval  given  vice  regal  pow- 
ers over  New  France,  6. 

Sagard,  Gabriel,  26,  91,  92,  104, 


106,     107,    108,    109,    no,    131, 

134.    153.   155.  156.  157.   158. 

161,  163. 
"  Santa  Maria."  bay  of,  68. 
"Sasquesahanocks,"  74,  75,  8a, 

83,  84,  144,  14s,  146. 
Saut  de  Gaston,  107,  171. 
"Sault  de  Gaston"    (Saut  de 

Gaston  —  Sault  Ste.  Marie), 

159.  163. 
"  Sault  du  Gaston,"  160. 
Sault  Ste.  Marie,  loi,  106,  160, 

161. 
SautS.  Louis  (Lachine  rapids), 

109. 
Sassafras  river,  72,  74,  84. 
Savignon,  a  Huron  hostage.  18, 

19,  21,  22,  23.  131. 
Scahentoarruon     Indians,     82, 

149. 
Seneca  Indians,  36,  39,  43,  50, 

51,  52,  87,  89,95,  in,  132, 143, 

148. 
Shea,  John  Gilmary,  52,  62,  64, 

68,  95,  lao,  13a,  134,  135,  164. 
Six  Nations  Indians,  149. 
Slafter,  Rev.   Edmund  F.,   25. 

30,  31,  47,  62,  63,  68,  102,  186, 

127,   132,   135,    138,    141,  143, 

147,    150,    151,   158,   159,  162. 
Smith,  Capt.  John,  69,  70,  71,  73, 

74.  75.  76,  82,  83.  142,  144,  145. 

146. 
"Smith's  Falls,"  144. 
Sonnontowans  (Senecas),  148. 
Southern   Iroquois,   79,  82,  85, 

148. 
St.  Charles  river,  5. 
St.  Clair  river,  8. 
St.   Lawrence,  bay  of,  discov- 
ered by  Cartier,  3. 
St.  Lawrence  river,  discovered 

by  Cartier,  3;  reaches  from 

Lake  Ontario  to  the  gulf,  8 ; 


1 84 


INDEX. 


mentioned,  76,  96,  100,  loa, 

104,  114,  130,  147. 
St   Louis,    Falls   of  (Lachine 

rapids),  23,  27. 
St.  Louis  river,  8,  157. 
St.  Mary  river,  8,  106. 
Suite,  Benjamin,  6,  18,  52,  86, 

98,  129,  137,  153,  166. 
Susquehannock   Indians  (Sus> 

quehanna  Indians),  148,  150. 
Susquehanna  river,  66,  67,  69, 

70,  71.  74.  76.  80,  81,  82,  86, 

87,   142,   143,  145,   147;  East 

Branch  of,  52 ;  West  Branch, 

66,  76,  82,  142,  143. 

Tadoussac,  at  mouth  of  the 
Saguenay,  7,  8,  18,  100,  114, 
116,  117,  127,  129. 

Tessouat  (Algonquin  chief),  129. 

Three  rivers,  98,  99,  114,  151, 

153. 

Thwaites,  Reuben  Gold,  6, 120. 

Tioga  river,  143. 

Tionnontates  (Tobacco  Na- 
tion), 59,  148,  149. 

Toanch^,  34,  95,  112,  114,  120, 
123,  157,  160. 


Tobacco  Nation  (Nation  du 
Petun),  too,  112,  148,  149. 

Tockwogh  Indians,  72,  73,  75, 
82,  83,  84,  145,  146- 

Tockwogh  river,  72,  73,  74. 

Tregouaroti,  brother  of  Savig- 
non,  19,  23,  131. 

Trent  river,  44,  48. 

Tuscarawa  Indians,  148,  149. 

Verrazzano,  John,  i,  68. 
Vignau,  Nicholas,  24,  27. 

"  Wendats  "  (Wyandots  —  Hu- 
rons),  127,  138,  139. 

"  Wenowances,"  Susquehanna 
Indian  chiefs,  74. 

Western  Iroquois,  148. 

' '  Wighcocomicos ' '  (Wicomico 
Indians),  84. 

"Wildcats"  (Menomonee  In- 
dians), 157,  161. 

Winnebagoes,  155. 

Winsor,  Justin,  6,  21,  59,  62,  68, 
104,  107,  119,  128,  135,  138, 
140,  141,  143.  147.  157.  159. 
161,  164. 

Wyandots,  138,  149. 


ERRATA. 


Page  26.    For  •'  [that  is,  the  Huron,  Algonquin  and  Montag- 

nais],"  read  "(that  is.  the  Huron,  Ebiceriny,  Mon- 

tagnais)." 
"    102.     For  • '  Brief  Ricit, ' '  read  ' '  Bre/  Ricit. ' ' 
"    107.    For  •  •  Freshwater  Sea, ' '  read  ' '  Fresh  Sea. ' ' 
"    137.    For  ••  Lescarbo  wrote  in  1310, "  read  "  Lescarbot  wrote 

in  1610." 
•  •    144.     For  • '  Glnerall  Histoire, ' '  read  • '  GSnerall  Historic. ' ' 
"    145.     For  "Histoire,"  read  ''Historic." 
"    161.     For  "Freshwater  Sea,"  read  "Fresh  Sea." 
"    162.    For  "are,  as  we  have  seen,"  read  "is,  as  we  have 

seen." 


